BEFORE SHE WAS NOTORIOUS: CLERKING FOR RUTH BADER GINSBURG

Harry Litman [00:00:07]: Welcome to a special episode of Talking Feds Now, a round table and partnership with the Los Angeles times studio. I'm Harry Litman. In this episode we’ll be talking with some very prominent sisters in law, all of them who served as clerks with Ruth Bader Ginsburg. Today is the kind of day when you wake up and your first thought is, did I have a terrible dream or did that really happen? Well, it really happened a day many on the left have been dreading and probably some in the president's flailing campaign had hoped for. Ruth Bader Ginsburg, icon, professor, country-changing advocate, luminary for 40 years on the DC circuit and the Supreme court and improbable hipster hero died yesterday from pancreatic cancer.

The news played immediately as a political hurricane with possible game-changing impact on the presidential election. But we're not here today to engage in any of the political chattering. Our goal is rather to focus on the trailblazer, counselor, visionary, friends, spouse and mother that Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg was in an 87 year life that saw huge changes in the world, several of which she helped propel. And to do that we have three of the people who had the good fortune to serve as her clerks and probably during their years to spend more time with her in chambers than anyone else, save her family. They are Ginger Anders, a clerk in 2004, 2005, and now a partner in the Washington DC office of Munger Tolles and Olson.

Ginger's a former assistant to the U.S. Solicitor General and a deputy assistant attorney general in the Office of Legal Counsel, and she has argued 18 cases before the U.S. Supreme court. Ginger. Thanks for being here. 

Ginger Anders [00:02:06]: Thank you. 

Harry Litman [00:02:08]: Gillian Metzger, clerk in 1997 and 98, and now the Harlan Fiske Stone professor of constitutional law at the Columbia Law School.

Gillian is a co-editor of Gellhorn and Byse’s Administrative Law, seminal administrative law case book, and The Healthcare Case: the Supreme Court's Decision and its Implications. Gillian. Welcome. 

Gillian Metzger [00:02:30]: Thank you. 

Harry Litman [00:02:31]: And finally, Amanda Tyler. A Ginsburg clerk in 1999, 2000. And now the Shannon Cecil Turner professor of law at the University of California Berkeley School of Law.

She's the author of Habeas Corpus in Wartime: From the Tower of London to Guantanamo Bay and a co-editor of Hart and Wechsler's The Federal Courts and the Federal System, the book that is as close as anything to a bible for Supreme Court practice. Amanda, thanks so much for joining Talking Feds.

Amanda Tyler [00:03:01]: Thanks for having me. 

Harry Litman [00:03:02]: All right. So, you know, very hard, I know, to try to capture a person in 40 minutes or so, but let's try to do our best. I wanted to start with something that I think you all know very well, but the public, not so much. And that was justice Ginsburg’s personal manner. In my few meetings with her, she came across as extremely diffident, soft-spoken maybe shy, maybe painfully shy. Others have remarked on the silences that you had to get used to. So first, you know, do you know what I mean? And second, was it like that for you throughout the year, as you came to know each other better?

Gillian Metzger [00:03:38]: I'd have to say, I don't think she was shy. She was very deliberate and so every word. Not just written, but spoken was pretty carefully chosen. And so there was sometimes a slowness in that sense or some gaps, as she thought about what she wanted to say, but what you came to realize was that during those periods of gaps, she was fully thinking about what she wanted to say and it was, it wasn't at all a lull. It was, the mind was worrying behind the silence. 

Ginger Anders [00:04:10]: Yeah, she was such a fantastic editor of opinions in such a careful and persistent editor. And I always felt like those pauses were pauses in which she was doing, the same thing to her spoken words that she would be doing to her writing, you know, she'd be going over it and taking out the unnecessary words and just making sure that she had exactly the right word. So, you know, the joke was that you had to count to five, when you thought she was done, you'd count to five and then you'd speak, but it was that editing process I think.

Amanda Tyler [00:04:39]: I think everything that's just been said is spot on the only thing that I would add is that if you could get her to talk about opera, she would become incredibly animated. She loved opera and she would just come alive in talking about her favorite opera. It was such a wonderful thing to see.

Harry Litman [00:05:03]: That's great. But following up on what Ginger said, her as this punctilious and very, very precise editor. I know at least early in her career, when I had a sense of it, her relationship with clerks was quite paper driven. They would slip drafts under her door, her closed door, and they would come back in a, especially early in the term, a very edited fashion. Is that the way that it worked when you were clerking for her?

Ginger Anders [00:05:35]: It was. You would complete a draft and you'd leave it in this box by her door and then she'd, she'd edit it, usually in pencil. She would, she had this perfect cursive. And so it would come back, you know, with things lightly crossed out and, and, and the cursive written over it.

But then she'd sit down with you and she'd explained to you almost word by word, why she had changed each thing and it would be, you know, everything from, you know, switching passive voice to active voice, to, you know, some, some major legal point in the opinion, but, you know, she would go over it in great detail.

Gillian Metzger [00:06:09]: I mean, I, I don't know if Amanda and Ginger had this experience, but after you clerked for Justice Ginsburg, I think you kind of carry a little RBG on your shoulder when you're writing and you know, and you'll write a clause and you'll look at it and think, well, that's an unnecessary word. That one could go. Really we need some additional comments here to set off that clause. And then you, you see the influence that she has had over time. 

Amanda Tyler [00:06:35]: And you, you also picking up on that, absolutely. She lives on in your ear, on your shoulder, wherever it is whispering, telling you ‘No, no, no. Be better. You can do better.’ But you also look for great first lines to grab your reader. You look for places where you can use really great words like pathmarking, which was one of her favorites. 

Harry Litman [00:06:59]: Separated by five years, but same word, I see. 

Ginger Anders [00:07:01]: Yeah. Oh yeah.

Amanda Tyler [00:07:02]: Yeah. That was a favorite. 

Ginger Anders [00:07:05]: Yeah. Every time I use it, I think of her. I smile a little bit because I think of her. I try to put it into briefs if I can. 

Harry Litman [00:07:11]: Did you, when you met with her and she was explaining, was it always one-on-one? Were there one-on-four meetings? And I guess relatedly, what was her process in advance and how did it employ clerks if at all, for working through especially tough cases and knowing just where she wanted to be?

Gillian Metzger [00:07:31]: No, I think this may have changed a little bit over time, so I'm particularly, I think I was the oldest clerk. When I was there, we did our individual bench memos and then worked with her on a draft. We didn't have much collaboration among the clerks with everybody reading the bench memos or reading the opinions before you submitted them, which I think is something that developed over time. And so the process was really more of a clerk for a case. Although sometimes she might bring in another clerk on a particular case or change it over over the course of it.

Harry Litman [00:08:08]: I mean, just for a discussion or a devil's advocate position or whatever. 

Gillian Metzger [00:08:11]: My memory is of mainly working off of paper. So, you know, you wrote a bench memo on the case, and then you'd engage with her over that, or you'd write, worked on a draft opinion and you'd engage over that. Or the opinion came from another chambers and you read it through and you had comments on that. I don't remember as many, kind of, jam sessions just thinking through the ideas. That's, that's not so much my memory. 

Amanda Tyler [00:08:35]: I think I had a very similar experience to Gillian our year, a few years after Gillian's. It was usually one clerk to a case, although occasionally she would bring in another clerk and we did also talk primarily based on drafts. I do remember fondly though, one of my very favorite memories and, in this context, of my clerkship, happened in a case in which I had written a very lengthy bench memo. I really thought the answer should be X and she thought the answer should be Y. And she read my memo on a weekend, so she called me on the phone to talk about it. And we talked for a good two hours about it. It took me that long. And so I'm a little slow to realize that what she really wanted was for me to say, ‘Oh, I think actually you're right, Justice.’ But I refused, I refused to back down and I kept, you know, engaging with her in part, because it was so fun, so much fun just to intellectually spar with her in an, obviously, super respectful way, but in a really deep dive kind of way. And I didn't want the phone call to end until eventually I was like, you know, I'm getting a little tired and I think she's tired. And so finally, I said, ‘you know, boss, you're the justice, so if that's what you want, that's what I’ll write.’

Ginger Anders [00:09:57]: Yeah I think my sense of her was that she, you know, she had very strong instincts about what she wanted to do with every case. So a bench memo could help her by boiling down the issues and maybe confirming what she already thought or raising questions for her. But, you know, she was really someone who already came to it with a definite view.

And she would use the clerks to help her sort of work through things. But, you know, we didn't have those jam sessions, maybe in part because she often knew what she thought. 

Harry Litman [00:10:25]: You know, following up on Amanda's point, she is being lionized as a great liberal, and of course she did vote with the, the four in most big cases. And maybe this is a reflection of the Liberty or the, you know, the greater latitude one has a Supreme court justice. When I clerked, she was on the DC circuit and she actually had the reputation, I clerked for Mikva, so one of the more liberal judges. She had a reputation of being much more centrist is one way to put it, but it was really sort of punctilious or proceduralist. So, you know, she would work through things carefully, like a Civ Pro teacher might, and sometimes it would cause her to be on the side of a Bork opinion or a Scalia opinion. And I think the extolling or just the recognition of her as a kind of liberal giant on the court and the focus on some of her dissents doesn't fully capture the whole picture of someone dedicated to the law and where the law takes you in very precise steps.

Gillian Metzger [00:11:37]: I mean, I think that's, I think that's right. Among the clerks you'll realize that if there was a kind of obscure civil procedure case, she would go for that one. And it was really fun to work on those because those cases really had that aspect that remained something that she really cared a lot about.

And I think she really sort of developed a jurisprudence there. I do think that if you look at her jurisprudence over time, I don't think it ever lost its care. I think when I think of her, her writing of opinions, it always had that same degree of care. There is a voice that is consistent throughout.

I do think that over time as the court moved more to the right, she was more assertive in some ways about insisting that the court recognized that it was ignoring what equality and justice required, and that it was doing so also by just not paying attention to the world like that, you'd get these broad statements that, that just didn't connect to the lived reality. And that was what I think she started to quite powerfully articulate in dissents and that's, I think, why they were so powerful and took on the meaning that they have. 

Amanda Tyler [00:12:47]: Yeah. If I could pick up on what Gillian just said, you know, as I think back about her jurisprudence, what stands out is that this is someone who very powerfully understood that the law impacts the everyday lives of Americans. And she often understood very acutely how, and there are so many examples I could give, the Ledbetter case where she says to the majority, you just don't understand how pay discrimination works for the working class. How is this woman supposed to have found out that she was being systematically paid less than her male peers for so long? In Hobby Lobby when she writes about how the majority, the all male majority doesn't understand that working class women are not going to be able to afford contraception if you make it easier for employers to opt out of the contraceptive mandate. So she had a real appreciation for how things affected people on the ground. I'm reminded of a conversation that she and I had at UC Berkeley last fall in which we were talking about Goesaert and Cleary, this old case decided, uh, I think in 1948, about a Michigan law that banned women from bartending and waiting tables at night under most circumstances. And as she talked with me about the case, she said, ‘You know, the problem is, of course, at night is when you get the best tips.’ So she really, you know, she really understood, I love that example because that's right! And only somebody from a working class background would know that. And so she really had this rich appreciation that although we were debating high level law, it had very serious ramifications on the ground. And so when you read her opinions, you read a voice for the lived experiences of a very broad spectrum of our society.

Ginger Anders [00:14:50]: You know, I think when we were all clerking, she was a relatively junior member of the court and of the liberal wing, and she always respected Justice Stevens so much. Uh, he was the, the most senior member of the liberal side at that time. And, and there was a real sense in which he was a leader. And so I think, you know, one of the things that we got to see occur in the past 10 years or so after Justin Stevens retired was that she really took on that mantle, right, and became the leader of the, of the liberals and, you know, started writing those big dissents. Right. And I think really felt it very deeply that, that, you know, she had responsibility for voicing something unified on behalf of the four of them.

Harry Litman [00:15:29]: I had the sense, it took me by surprise at the time of fantastic admiration for Justice O'Connor and a certain loneliness when O'Connor stepped down and she, you know, felt herself a lone woman's voice was— Ginger, did you clerk after O'Connor left? But the other two, when she was there?

Ginger Anders [00:15:48]: So I was, I clerked during justice O'Connor's last year. So actually she announced her retirement, I think within the last weeks of our clerkship. And there was really, it was really emotional in chambers. Justice Ginsburg was very, very moved by it. It, I think, took her by surprise and it took all of us by surprise and she seemed to feel it really, really deeply.

Amanda Tyler [00:16:11]: She told me that when O'Connor left and she, and she said this publicly when, uh, she was the only woman on the court, that that was really hard. She was, she really didn't like that. And I think probably because she felt, like many of us observed and felt too, like we were going backward. So she was ecstatic with the appointments of Justice Sotomayor and Justice Kagan.

Gillian Metzger [00:16:37]: I mean, I think she also, there were some cases where if you think about the Redding case of the 13 year old girl who was being strip searched and she later said that, that her male colleagues just didn't understand that it was different for a 13 year old girl to have to take, be strip searched at that age than it was for a 13 year old boy, they were sort of a little bit question of, ‘well, you know, I remember when I was young in the locker room’ and she intervened very forcefully. I think she felt they just didn't get it. 

Harry Litman [00:17:07]: I heard her once talk about, you know, in very straightforward terms about, her equality jurisprudence was carefully mapped and the like, but she just said, I, you know, I didn't understand why he should have one job while she has two. It was very basic about couples’ lives. I want to ask you about that because there's a lot of comparisons now being drawn with Justice Marshall for whom I clerked, about her earlier life as a really, you know, trailblazing advocate. We would occasionally on very, very lucky days get regaled by, uh, Justice Marshall with some account of that. Was that a part of her life anymore? And did it ever sort of come out when, you know, the feet were up or it was late in the afternoon in the court, were you aware of her previous life as an advocate? 

Gillian Metzger [00:18:01]: Oh definitely aware. 

Harry Litman [00:18:04]: I mean did she discuss it, I should say.

Gillian Metzger [00:18:09]: I think it, it came up once or twice and were, uh, my memory is that, you know, she's always asked to give speeches and many of those speeches, you know, when you're a justice, there's a limited number of topics that you can safely talk about. And that was one of the topics that she had, that she could of course talk about.

And so, in that context and in talking about speeches and stuff like that, it would, it would sometimes come up. Another one in that vein, that I remember working on my first assignment as a clerk, was a speech about the wives of the justices, another safe topic for a justice to talk about. 

Ginger Anders [00:18:46]: Yeah it’s funny because, you know, in recent years she’s become such a pop culture icon, but for that, for her advocacy for women's rights. And of course we were all aware of it, that's why we wanted to clerk for her. You know, where you kind of worshiped her for those reasons, but she never talked about it in chambers.

You know, she was such a quiet and diligent person. It really just felt like she had, you know, she had had these tremendous achievements, but, you know, she was here everyday to do the work that was on her desk. And, you know, she was going to persist in doing that work and making every single opinion just perfect.

And I don't know, it's one of the things I admire her most for I think, you know, looking back. Just that sense of, you know, you show up every day, you do your best and you know, it, wasn't about sort of, you know, telling war stories or resting on her previous accomplishments. 

Harry Litman [00:19:35]: Let's talk about this notorious RBG stuff.

I can claim a very small role in the phenomenon because I'm quite good friends with the filmmaker, Julie Cohen and I made the first overture to Justice Ginsburg to maybe speak with her and vouch for Julie, which to my surprise, she accepted. But, you know, it must have both perplexed and delighted her. What was your sense of her reaction to becoming, you know, this pop culture icon for the hip hop class, for gen Z or whatever it was. Kind of an improbable development.

Gillian Metzger [00:20:17]: I think she was thrilled. I got to say, I mean, you know, I think she thoroughly, thoroughly enjoyed it. I remember she came to Columbia for a talk in 2018 and she had her notorious RBG bag that she was carrying around. I do have to confess that if I were going to make predictions from my clerkship, what was going to happen, this was not one of them. Really was not top of my list. 

Amanda Tyler [00:20:45]: Yeah. She joked about how ‘everyone wants to take their picture with me.’ And she didn't understand it.

Harry Litman [00:20:51]: This was when she was at Berkeley about a year ago, visiting you?

Amanda Tyler [00:20:55]: Yeah. Yeah. I think she even, they have a clip of her saying that in the documentary, but, uh, you know what I loved about it—and we see the outpouring, the just overwhelming outpouring of grief all over this country—is that everyone got to learn about her life. She became the national treasure that we all knew she was, but not everyone else knew. And to have children's books about her life and work inspiring the next generation, educating the next generation of how she worked so tirelessly, excuse me, to make ours a better and more just, and more equal society. This is awesome.

Gillian Metzger [00:21:41]: It's also just awesome that little kids are looking up as their icon to a woman who, because she had a brain and a commitment and made a difference in the world. I mean, that's a, that's a great development on so many fronts. And I think that she did, she really enjoyed that little girls sort of saw her on the bench as being perfectly normal, right, and not necessarily something so original, which means that she had achieved so much just in the course of her life, cause that was because of the work that she had started. 

Harry Litman [00:22:19]: My 15 year old daughter, Lyla was the one who brought me the news. And she's been inconsolable for, you know, 24 hours. I don't think she could name another justice, maybe Justice Kagan. But this has, you know, really made her completely upset.

We're hearing, reading about some accounts, times where Justice Ginsburg took a real interest in the personal lives of some of the clerks, acted as counselor and the like. I'm just wondering if that was—I think there are some justices or judges who want, you know, like their clerks fine, but want nothing to do with them.

Maybe others who are very much a chambers family. Would the justice kind of look to take on that role with everyone? Would she just be available if you came to her? And did you, what was your experience of her as sort of personal counselor?

Gillian Metzger [00:23:23]: I guess, I mean, my first of all, I think she was actually a very good mentor in terms of she supported her clerks and a number of her clerks went on the academic market and she backed them. I don't think that she, I don't think it was really in her personality to reach out and give counsel, unless you asked for it or reach out and give support unless you asked for it, but she would be there if you were on the market or needed a letter or that kind of support. 

She took a real interest, I think in our families. I mean, I had the kind of a slightly mind blowing experience when I went down to DC with my son who was around eight or nine at the time, and we came by the court and I introduced him to her. And she went into grandma mode and literally shepherded my son around the court and pointed out where she sat on the court and where this was. And I mean, part of that is I think she really, she had a ?? , she really did. But I think it was also that she saw it, like she was opening the law, like she was making this world available to him. But it was so interesting because, you know, when I go to the court, you know, it's like, very serious and it's the court and, you know, it's great to see the justice and that would always be warm, but, you know. And here she wasn't grandma, but it was just, for me, it was a kind of a surprising turn of events, but I think that's not unusual.

Amanda Tyler [00:24:47]: No, that's, I mean, I think we all had a very similar experience in that regard. She was an amazing mentor. I remember when I went on the academic job market and I didn't get so many interviews initially, I mentioned that to her and she said, send me a list of names and phone numbers and I'll call. And she started making calls for me. I've never, I can't even begin to tell you how, how much of a difference that made and how grateful I am. She also had— when she knew that you were going through a hard time, if there was a way that she could find out, you know, she would check in and she would look out for you.

I was very close with Linda and Kathy, the two assistants who worked with her and they knew for example that many years ago, I, my family, we were going through a really, really difficult time. And the justice went out of her way to reach out, to offer kindness and support and also incredible wisdom and, and just wise advice about how we would get through it. We would look back on, on the experience and actually find very powerful silver linings. And I can tell you that it was a gesture I talked to her as recently as this summer about because I carry it with me every day.

Ginger Anders [00:26:02]: Yeah. And she, you know, I think her marriage was so important to her and such a source of joy for her, that she was very interested in her clerks’ marriages and weddings. And you know, of course when you're clerking, that's kind of a time of your life where you might be getting married or just married.

And, you know, so I have one of those stories too, which was that we decided to get married over President's Day weekend. You know, we didn't want a wedding, we're just going up to a New York City courthouse. And so she got wind of it and she wasn't having it. She threw us a party, she threw a party for all the law clerks and, you know, gave us, gave us advice. I’ll never forget what she said, which was that my marriage is the most important thing in my life. And so, you should treat it that way. And it's such a remarkable thing for someone like her to say, you know, somebody with such tremendous achievements, you know, who, who, you know, as an advocate, as a Supreme Court justice, right. Just for her to say that just meant so much. And, and really, you know, did it show that that's always the most, important thing, you know, your family, no matter what else you're doing in the world. And you know, it just spoke so much to how her partnership with, with Marty was. It was just an example for all of us. I think it was, it was so joyful and so much of a source of strength for her. 

Amanda Tyler [00:27:20]: A very, very special part of being her law clerk when Marty was alive, was watching their great love affair. It really was so special. 

Harry Litman [00:27:30]: I was just going to mention this fantastic axiom that I think dovetails with the things you're saying, what would be her main advice about marriage? Would it be, make sure it stays equal from the start or make sure there's mutual respect? Now, I guess this actually came from Marty's mom, but the great piece of advice was: in a marriage, it's good to be a little deaf. That's exactly, kind of counter to type of what you would think. And yet it's so down to earth and sort of big souled or big hearted.

Gillian Metzger [00:28:06]: One thing I was just gonna say, I do have these memories of, you know, Marty would come sometimes in the evening to bring her home. And, um, just when he would come into chambers and this just, this smile would sort of etch itself across her face. She couldn't, she couldn't control it. She was just, a big smile would burst out when she saw him, which is always nice. I think the other thing that— we talk about their partnership and it was so important. But we shouldn't lose track of how unusual for a marriage that kind of relationship was. I mean, she credits Marty so much for supporting her and for the success that she had, but that's also because it really was unusual at the time for a husband to not just support his wife, but to really take on the cooking and childcare and various things that, that allowed her to have the career that she did.

Harry Litman [00:29:00]: Yeah I mean, I think it's a matter of public record, Ron Klain, a real authority, has said that it was Marty's push over the top after the initial, she'd kind of been pushed down a little on the list that, that literally made her become Clinton's first choice. 

Gillian Metzger [00:29:17]: Yeah. 

Amanda Tyler [00:29:18]: Yeah. He was her biggest fan. What a special thing to say. And Gillian's right, in their generation this was not the norm. She loved to talk about how child-rearing was really important to him. He wanted to spend time with his kids. And so he wanted to share that responsibility. He also believed, I mean, she said this when I interviewed her last fall, I said, do you have any advice for my students? And she said, ‘choose a partner who believes your work is as important as theirs.’ And that's what she did. And thank God. We're all the better for it. 

Harry Litman [00:29:52]: I read, I hadn't seen this associated with her before, but the quote that maybe you have heard: “Fight for the things you care about, but do it in a way that will lead others to join you.” And I, again, I did a sort of double take thinking about that and Justice Ginsburg, because, you know, there's a, there's sort of a negative injunction side to that, you know, don't be a jerk, maybe even a good justice should be a little deaf, but the other side of it, kind of form coalitions, work the room, I really think of her not doing, that she led by example or maybe she chose the arguments that had integrity and weren't unnecessarily vicious, but I didn't have the impression of her as kind of working things in that way, is that fair?

Gillian Metzger [00:30:51]: I'm thinking of Justice Brennan and Justice Ginsburg together. Cause you're making me think of I can count to five. I think she really cared about the architecture of the argument, and again, this kind of deliberateness with which it was written. That said, I think you might be giving a slightly partial picture.

She signed on to a lot of opinions without a dissent. And that's not to say that her druthers might not be occasionally, that some sentence or another might not be there, but I think that is the collegiality part. I think that we know her now so much for her voice in dissents, and that's a different art than writing a majority. So I think that also affects our sense of her tone. I do think that she, if you look at her advocacy, the strategy, she had an understanding—and I think she might, in many ways be right—that if you try to go for too much all at once, you may not get what you want to get.

So, you know, she was, I think this was, you know, again, when you see the forcefulness of the dissents over time, it may be that in reacting to the conservative court and in assuming the mantle of the leaders of the liberal bloc, she became more direct, but I think she had a kind of more incrementalist strategy earlier on that was part of her critique of Roe as well.

So I think, but I think that was really, not a sign that she didn't have the commitments as much. It was a strategic question. And, you know, I think that she had more, maybe a little bit more play in the joints and is always evident if you simply look at her dissents.

Amanda Tyler [00:32:33]: Yeah, I think everything Gillian said is spot on. More generally though I think she liked to engage with the other side. She gave one of the eulogies at Justice Scalia's services and what she said at his memorial, and what she said was that his dissent in VMI helped make her majority opinion stronger.

I did not clerk for her that year, but I suspect she was trying right up until the end to get him to join too. Although it was probably at some point apparent it was a lost cause, But I think, when I hear that quote, what it makes me think of is that she was very savvy, but also more generally, it sort of marries with the quote she loved to talk about that her mother told her ‘don’t waste your energy being angry or on other emotions that are not constructive.’ Right. So use your time and your energy on this earth to do something constructive. And that means engaging with the other side, talking respectfully, trying to win them over to your point of view and always having your sort of eyes on the prize, as it were, understanding the big picture of the work that you're doing.

Harry Litman [00:33:53]: I think constructive is an exceptionally good word for her now that I think about it. We've covered a lot of ground, we still have just a few minutes. I just wanted to ask each of you to tell us some detail or anecdote that you think of when you look back on your clerkship. It could be trivial or it could be grand, but something that you really— like the little voice on your shoulder that you kind of keep with you and will keep with you in thinking about the justice.

Gillian Metzger [00:34:29]: Well, so since I gave the little justice on my shoulder before there's one part of her jurisprudence, that I don't think gets enough attention. And doesn't, it's not what she's known for. And that's her approach to Congress and her approach to the role of the court in relation to Congress. And she, I think was actually incredibly powerful there. I think it connected to her advocacy because she recognized the importance of having democratic institutions lead the way to really implementing justice. And people talk about the Ledbetter dissent in which she calls on Congress to remedy, but it was in so many other areas—which they did, exactly—but it was in so many other areas where she just had an understanding of the importance of the court, maybe, you know, doing a floor but not a ceiling on what moves Congress could make. And, you know, it doesn't, it's not one of the opinions of hers that I think gets a lot of recognition being pulled out, but her opinion in FIB v. Sebelius, it's so spot on, on every bit. So in FIB v. Sebelius, one of the issues was whether or not Congress could force you to buy something and the analogy was, could Congress force you to buy or eat broccoli? And you know, it's fine. It's a nice little logical parallel, but it's not reality. Nobody ever is going to try and force you to buy and eat broccoli. You know why? Cause it's broccoli. You know why people think you need to buy and have healthcare? Because it's healthcare. Cause you're spreading costs. Cause we all know you're always going to need help. And she just, you know, she said it and she said it so plainly and it had that same conception of reality of how it, how things work. So I, I really treasure that particular opinion. 

Amanda Tyler [00:36:07]: I'll pick up there, if it's all right, and just say that was a pervasive theme about her jurisprudence, and I love that Gillian brought attention to it. For those of us who teach and write about federal courts and administrative law, that's really important. There's another opinion that she wrote for majority called Bank Markazi v. Peterson, in which it's animated by the very same principles, basically that the court needs to be mindful of where its lane is and Congress gets its lane. And without going into the details of the case case, basically there she says with a strong majority that if Congress has complete control over an area of the law— statute, in that case, statutory law, in that case, like as in Ledbetter—then it's not for the court to second guess what Congress does unless there's some meta constitutional principle in play. Yes, then we have something to say, but the relevant law in that case was all within the purview of Congress's power so the court needed to stay in its lane. More generally, I think, as I've looked back on her legacy and I've been reviewing a lot of things from her, from her life and work, I keep coming back to a couple of things—one from my clerkship and one from just looking back on her life. At her confirmation proceedings, she talked about Learned Hand and she talked about the role of the courts. And even with respect to the constitution there, she said, you can't look to the courts as the sole guardians of the constitution. Everyone has to protect the constitution: the Congress, the president, and the people. And she really believed that. And the other thing that marries with this that I would say in reflecting on my clerkship is I keep coming back to the artwork that she had in chambers, which was born out of her faith, but also very much expressed her calling as a lawyer. She had up ‘justice, justice shall bell pursue.’ And I think now she's left that work to all of us and we have to carry it on.

Ginger Anders [00:38:18]: Yeah, that's, that's absolutely right. I mean, I think for me, one thing—this is related to everything that Gillian and Amanda said—one thing that really stands out for me in the clerkship was her respect for public service and more specifically her respect for DOJ and for the executive branch. And there was a sense that, you know, when the United States, you know, came in and said something, she was very conscious of the courts’ relative expertise, relative role. But at the same time, she paired that with the same sort of, you know, exacting standards that she brought to everything else that she was going to hold the government to its aspirations and its ideals. And so, you know, the same thing that she did as a civil rights lawyer, helping America live up to equal justice under law. That phrase applies to all of us. You know, she, she wanted to do the same thing. She expected the United States and the government to uphold its highest aspirations as well and so it made her a great justice in those cases where the question was, is the government living up to what it should be living up to.

Harry Litman [00:39:27]: Well, all right. To pick up on Amanda and from Deuteronomy, let me just say may her memory be for a blessing. 

Thank you very much to Sisters in Law Ginger, Gillian and Amanda, especially for joining us so shortly after the difficult news of Justice Ginsburg’s death. And thank you very much listeners for tuning in to Talking Feds. If you like what you’ve heard, please tell a friend to subscribe to us on Apple Podcasts, or wherever they get their podcasts, and please take a moment to rate and review this podcast.

You can follow us on Twitter @TalkingFedsPod to find out about future episodes and other Feds related content. You can check us out on the web, talkingfeds.com, where we have full episode transcripts, and you can look to see our latest offerings on Patreon, where we post discussions about special topics exclusively for supporters, as well as ad-free versions of our regular episodes.

Submit your questions to questions@talkingfeds.com, whether it’s for Five Words or Fewer, or general questions about the inner workings of the legal system for our Sidebar segments. Thanks for tuning in, and don’t worry, as long as you need answers, the feds will keep talking. Talking Feds is produced by Jennifer Bassett and Rebecca Lowe Patton. Our editor is Justin Wright. David Lieberman and Rosie Dawn Griffin are our contributing writers. Production assistance by Matt McArdle. Our consulting producer is Andrea Carla Michaels. Our gratitude as always to the amazing Philip Glass who graciously lets us use his music. Talking Feds is a production of Dalito, LLC. I’m Harry Litman. See you next time.

HOMELAND INSECURITY: FLYING BLIND

Harry Litman [00:00:00]: Hey everybody, Harry here. Before we start today’s episode, I wanted to give a quick nod to our sponsor: the California Fair Political Practices Commission. Would you like to know who’s behind all the political ads you see? The FPPC can help. California’s Fair Political Practices Commission is the state’s political watchdog agency, and its new public service campaign will help you become a more informed voter. Visit fppc.ca.gov/learn/2020-election.html , got it? 

To find a one stop page with the tools you can use to look for the money paying for campaigns and political advertising. You'll learn where and how to track the money going into campaigns, who’s paying for the political advertising you see on television or social media, that you hear on the radio or that you find in your mailbox. You’ve a right to know, and the FPPC is there to help. It’s information you need to know to make informed decisions, and to be a better-educated voter. Be sure to visit — yep, here we go: fppc.ca.gov/learn/2020-election.html for more information about the FPPC and the coming election.

Welcome to Talking Feds, a roundtable in partnership with LA Times Studios that brings together prominent formal federal officials and special guests for a dynamic discussion of the most important political and legal topics of the day. I’m Harry Litman. It is startling to imagine it’s been just about a full generation since the attacks of September 11, 2001. A generation of births and deaths, a generation of political turmoil and dangerous encounters with quicksilver terrorist threats. The 9/11 anniversary gives a depth and historical context to the homeland threats we are now confronting in 2020 in Donald Trump’s America. 

This was a week in which a former whistleblower at the Department of Homeland Security alleged that he was repeatedly ordered to doctor intelligence, to bring it into line with Trump’s political propaganda, and also that the former director of the Department of Homeland Security lied to Congress about the movement of terrorists across the Mexican-US border. Shortly thereafter, acting Homeland Security Director Chad Wolf delivered an Orwellian state of the homeland address, in which he extolled President Trump’s “decisive and rapid action in responding to the coronavirus.” 

And the following day, the country learned that President Trump purposely misled us about the severity of the virus, assuring the country that “we’re in very good shape, and it’s like the regular flu,” when he knew in fact that the virus was “deadly stuff,” as he told Bob Woodward, and very difficult to control. The clear picture that emerged was of the administrations ignoring or downplaying the most serious actual threats to the homeland — renewed Russian meddling in the election, white supremacists, domestic terrorism — while proffering its own fantasy threats — China interference in the election, left-wing antifa radicals terrorizing the cities — designed to enflame the president’s base and reinforce his false political arguments. 

To separate out the true from the false or exaggerated threats to homeland security and to analyze the actual state of the homeland 19 years after 9/11, we welcome three of the country's most prominent political and national security experts: all good friends and returning regulars to Talking Feds, and all authors of recent or upcoming books, a very fancy group. They are first: Frank Figliuzzi. A frequent national security contributor to NBC and MSNBC. Frank is the former FBI Assistant Director for Counterintelligence, and he is author of The FBI Way: Inside the Bureau's Code of Excellence, set to be published in January, 2021. Frank, thanks for coming. 

Frank Figliuzzi [00:05:08]: Always a pleasure. Thank you, 

Harry Litman [00:05:10] David Frum, a political commentator and senior editor at the Atlantic, he is the author of 10 books, including most recently: Trumpocalypse: Restoring American Democracy. He served in government as speech writer for President George W. Bush. David, as always a pleasure to welcome you.

David Frum [00:05:30]: Thank you. 

Harry Litman [00:05:31] And Juliette Kayyem, a national security analyst at CNN and the Senior Belfour Lecturer in International Security at the Harvard Kennedy School, she served as President Obama's assistant secretary for intergovernmental affairs at the Department of Homeland Security, and she too has a new book: Beyond 9/11: Homeland Security for the 21st Century, published August 2020. Juliet, thanks as always for coming. 

Juliette Kayyem [00:05:59]: Thank you for having me.

Harry Litman [00:06:00] Alright, let's just jump in first. I'd like to structure this first with the sort of false threats as they come through the Trump administration and then onto the true ones. So let's start with the whistleblower complaint, or really complaints because it's a series over the last few years. We have a whistleblower, Brian Murphy, the principal deputy under secretary, formerly, for the department's office of intelligence and analysis. So, no slouch. He says he was demoted for refusing orders to distort intelligence to make it support the president's political claims. And he's got chapter and verse going back several years.

Let's start here. If his charges bear out, how bad, how unusual, how unprecedented is the conduct from the political appointees at the Department of Homeland Security?

Juliette Kayyem [00:06:48]: I'm a consumer of intelligence, just to be clear, I've never been an intelligence agent. So I'm completely dependent on the veracity of what the intel folks are doing, right, and the honesty. And what people need to remember about Homeland security on this 19 years later, day of taping, is the Homeland security’s customer is state and local governments, right? It is, I mean, it's the population, but it's essentially, what do you want your safety and security apparatus to do in response to accurate information? 

Whether it's the weather, whether it's an election or whether it's an intelligence. So this is unprecedented in the sense that it not only skews the importance of a certain kind of threat that we should be looking at, and the FBI has already said that there's nothing surprising there, but also makes it seem as if a different kind of threat, right?

So that's, it's a double whammy. So it's like, not only don't look at the apples, but now look at the oranges. And it's, it's very consistent with what you're hearing in the — y’know, turning to Frank, but in the intel election world where it's “don't look at Russia, but look at China,” right? It's almost the same story, just now on the homeland. I will tell you, I had never heard of anything like this going on. I mean, obviously, homeland security intelligence is more political than not because you're obviously bumping up against politics wherever you go, but the allegations in the whistleblower complaint of sort of minimizing what is clearly the number one threat seems to have an audience, not of the homeland, but of one which is of course, to make it consistent with what the president has been saying. 

Frank Figliuzzi [00:08:25]: Juliette just gave us a great springboard on this topic because two or three things come to mind based on what she's observed.

But first, we got to start with the why of whistleblowers. In other words, what's the environment wherein whistleblowers come out of the woodwork to the unprecedented extent we've seen them do, it's because they feel they have no other outlet. It means that they've tried within their command structure to get it right.

They've tried to voice their concerns and they're continually being beaten down. And so that's why, you know, immediately when Brian Murphy came out, the Fox News people just flipped out on social. “Oh, here's another whistleblower. Oh, here we go again,” without, but they're missing the point. We have “oh, another whistleblower” because we have horrific fraud, waste and abuse going on that no one feels that they can get addressed within their structure.

So number one, number two, Juliette's point about state and local consumers of DHS intel is particularly pertinent to the white supremacy angle here, because who is it really that's going to be eyes and ears on the ground that needs to know that all of their crazies in their neighborhoods are going to come out and do bad things.

And who needs to get their intel analysts on top of this and their informants and sources. And it's the state and locals and they're not getting the intel that they need. And then the national security standpoint on Russia versus China, if we're not getting the truth about the extent to which Russia is meddling with this election, then we are flying blind as a voting public.

So why do you suppress the truth like this to this extent? Because it benefits you. And so Trump is essentially suppressing truth because he thinks it will benefit him. 

Harry Litman [00:10:05] How about the mechanics? David you were in the White House, I was about the level, say of Murphy, I'm trying to think of somebody actually coming in and delivering this news to me at the Department of Justice and how long it would take me to pick my job back off the floor. But at least what he detailed seems the most kind of crass and unselfconscious railroading of intel. Did that aspect strike you as either noteworthy or especially troubling?

David Frum [00:10:34]: In terms of harm done, the distortion of the news about election interference struck me as much more serious than the distortion of the news about domestic threats, because in the end, state and local police don't probably need the federal government to tell them to watch out for white supremacist mass shootings, they're all around us.

So if you need to be told that, you're being pretty dense. Most of the responses to that kind of threat are non-federal. So even if the federal government is flying blind, it's flying blind in a situation where there's a limit to what it's going to be able to do.

Defending the country against international threats, that is absolutely a job of the federal government. And in the case of these election threats, it's a threat to which the federal government has really powerful tools. I mean, beginning with people in the federal government picking up the phone to the executives at Facebook and saying, “you are the conduit for this attack, you clean up your house.

You have six months to clean up your house or someone is going to clean up your house for you, but we are confident that all the smart people there can figure out a way to clean up your own house.” No one has ever had that conversation with Facebook. In fact, quite the contrary, they've empowered and invited Facebook to do the opposite.

So it's foreign angle that is the one that is especially distressing to me, because that's one where I think we are much more vulnerable than we otherwise would be. I do count on state and local officials to be keeping an eye on white supremacist threats, to the extent they can consistent with America's arm-everybody-to-the-teeth domestic gun laws.

Harry Litman [00:11:54] To follow up on that first, I think what's implicit in what everyone is saying is on the international front, we have clearly a strong meddling again by Russia. And the thrust of the altered intelligence was to make it seem as if they were just about the same as China and Iran.

And then on the domestic front, the elevation of a threat that seems almost nonexistent, antifa and left wing radicals, and the comparative ignoring of the much more numerous and immediate threat of white supremacists. But let me ask, assuming I have that right, was this sort of stuff to the state and locals anyway, so was it a dereliction in, of good government, but no real harm done? Or is there a bottom line impact of this politization of the intelligence function?

Juliette Kayyem [00:12:50]: Well I also was a state homeland security advisor, so I had to deal with budgets. So I think there is a tactical result to this. I think David's exactly right. If you have the federal government, imagine you're a police department, emergency management agency or whatever, you have the departments saying, this is your number one threat. Do resources... having the federal government align with how you want your resource focused distribution is really, really important.

I mean, just from the state government or local government perspective. So, in terms of the operation, I think it does impact it. It makes it harder. If the department is denying it or minimizing it, I think it makes it, it does make it harder for some jurisdictions to be able to focus on this very, as David said, much more politically sensitive, just because of the legal rules that apply.

And so I think that that's sort of a more tactical challenge, but I, I do agree with David in the sense, like, most jurisdictions are sophisticated enough. They can see what's going on in their jurisdiction. I [00:12:00] think that, on the anniversary of 9/11 is people do accountings of 9/11 today, and the famous 9/11 report, the failure of imagination, that was sort of nonfeasance. The criticism you could give Bush in the summer of 2001 was lots of people were telling him, and his focus was elsewhere. That's nonfeasance. This is like a failure of realism, right? This is, this is malfeasance to me. 

Harry Litman [00:14:14] Not even real. I mean, this is Orwellian, right? It's not, they weren't ignorant. 

Juliette Kayyem [00:14:18]: Right, it's not like we have different priorities, it’s that we actually have a priority. So, that's where I think that the challenges for state and locals is, if there is malfeasance behind it, how do you even rely on any of it?

I think COVID is part of this stew, right? But it's malfeasance. It's not nonfeasance, it's malfeasance. 

David Frum [00:14:37]: Well, let's torque it up even a little bit more. There are places in the country where left-wing violence is a real problem.

If you're in the state of Oregon, if you're in the state of Washington, if you're in New York state, it's a problem. And especially if you think of animal rights activism as left wing, and we have had a history of murderous animal rights terrorism in the country. We don't have it right now, but that's something that if you're in the right place, you need to think about. But there's something going on worse here, which is, it's not a failure of imagination. It's not just malfeasance. It’s that the Trump people look at these guys and they identify with them. Those are our people. I mean, the killers are not literally our voters, but they are in proximity to people. If anything that cramps the style of the killers, is likely to also impinge on non killers who share aspects of ideology with the killers, and also share with us.

I mean, and this is where the 9/11 Islamic analogy becomes useful. I mean, we learned after 9/11, there's a spectrum of Islamic behaviors, right? There were the killers, there were the inciters, there were the permission grantors, and there were the people who operated communities within which the permission grantors were free to operate.

And there were lots of people, especially in Europe who would never do a violent act themselves, but who made possible violent acts. And that's this sort of white nationalist terrorism that is a global phenomenon we see. And what we also see when — I wrote about this Trumpocalypse, that while the killers have complicated attitudes to president Trump, I'm going to quote one of them who did a question and answer manifesto and said, “what do you think of Donald Trump?”

And he said, ‘as a political leader, good God, no, but as a symbol of reviving white spirit, yes.’ The tree of life killer was very critical of Donald Trump, but he criticized him for misleading fellow racists into thinking that Donald Trump was a reliable ally, and the problem was that while Donald Trump was, was tough on non-whites, that from the killer's point of view, the real threat was Jews.

And so Donald Trump was soft on Jews, tough on nonwhite, soft on Jews, and was thus going to deceive bonified a racialist into misunderstanding the nature of the threat. So there is a spectrum and that's the thing that is really troubling about all of this is that you have an administration that is obviously not complicit or supportive of terrorist acts, but on a spectrum of ideology where they're at one end and the killers are at the other.

Harry Litman [00:16:47] Good people on both sides, I, there's no express endorsement, but nevertheless, deafening silence from violence on one side, and really revved up frenzy from violence on the other. And I don't doubt your premise David, about quote unquote left wing violence, but they want to say something more specific about an organized antifa group, you know, specific groups.

David Frum [00:17:10]: You know, someone has gone to the insane trouble of creating a website called antifa.com, when you click on it feeds to the Joebiden.com website. As if like, there's like an antifa, antifa.com as if they have like a web channel of their own.

Harry Litman [00:17:25] We'll have a special cabinet position. So let's move to the other side of things, which is we have the misinformation and we've analyzed the reasons for it. It's even more appropriate on this anniversary, to be talking about the true state of homeland security.

Frank, I've heard you emphasizing how homeland threats are changing even under our nose. You know, a total straight up director of intelligence would be telling us what about the homeland threats as they now exist and as they've mutated in the last several years. 

Frank Figliuzzi [00:18:01]: I remain in touch with my former colleagues in the intelligence community, law enforcement community, and there's a degree of hair pulling out right now.

And by that I mean, we need only look at the counterintelligence official the DNI, Bill Evanina, for example. There's a career professional, comes out of the FBI, extensive counterintelligence background. You know, it's public knowledge that he had proposed weekly briefings. It was actually promised it was, “Hey, we're going to publicly brief the public eye weekly on what's going on with the election.” And the vision was almost a kind of a Governor Cuomo COVID briefing of where we are on a regular basis, right.

And I thought, well, that's actually going to be pretty neat, are we at orange or red or whatever? And, and no, of course that's really not happening. And not only that, but we're not even seeing regular verbal in person briefings to the Intel committees or Congress. So, what we should be knowing is that bad things are being planned by bad people. But there's a good side to this, which is that even though, as we just talked about, there's a suppression of truth and intelligence to the public.

I do think this question of does it really impact a lack of response by the professionals, what I'm hearing is not, not really. And so I know there are preparations going on in the law enforcement and Intel communities for really bad things to happen. And they're hoping they don't, but they're out in front of it to the extent they can be. The same goes, let's look at the Russia, the suppression of Russia intel threat intelligence. In the last 48 hours, what have we learned? We've learned that even though it's being suppressed from us, we're seeing treasury sanctions against Russian agents. We're seeing justice department indictments against Russian agents, on Derkach, the guy theUkrainian who was feeding the BS to Rudy Giuliani about Bidens and who did the hacking, and it was Ukraine. Turns out, he's a Russian agent for 10 years. So I take from that, some hope that the career professionals are still moving forward with their jobs.

Harry Litman [00:20:08] So there’s a bastardization of the reporting function. But you think the actual operational function proceeds a pace. 

David Frum [00:20:16]: The next DHS secretary should sit down with the next president, and the first sentence out of the secretary's mouth should be, the world has never been less violent than it is in the year 2021. And the world has never been more exposed to catastrophic environmental and epidemiological events than it is in 2021. However many people there are around this table, no more than a third of them should think like cops, two thirds of them need to think like other people, because I guess we are hardwired as human beings to be more upset if our house is burned down by an arsonist than if it's burned down by a wildfire. So maybe that's just the way we're constituted, and I accept that we will pay more to prevent arson than we will to prevent wildfires.

But at some point, the spectrum of risk, if my house has burned down, 10% probability that it's an arsonist, 90% probability that it’s wildfire, I’ll pay double the risk for the arsonist. So, so it's a 90/10, risk from the wildfire. I'm gonna pay 80/20 for my insurance, but it's still at some level you have to say, wildfires. That's how you're going to lose your house, if you lose your house.

Harry Litman [00:21:12]: This is a brilliant point. So, what is the government entity in fact, do we classify this as homeland security, the epidemiological and environmental threats he's talking about?

Juliette Kayyem [00:21:23]: Absolutely. We were on this path. So, Homeland security is bred out of nine, you know, comes out of 9/ 11 for four years from 2001 to 2005, it's singular focus was stopping 19 guys from getting on four airplanes, or the equivalent. Its singular focus. 2005 comes around, Hurricane Katrina, right? Can't save an American city from drowning, and to his credit, Chertoff began to pivot the department in the same way.

Harry Litman [00:21:51] Michael Chertoff.

Juliette Kayyem [00:21:52]: Michael Chertoff excuse me, Secretary Chertoff, in the same way that we used to think about civil defense and other things is sort of what we call all hazards. And those hazards also began to change, which were, they were no longer state centric. They were the four biggies: they were cyber, natural disasters, pandemics and an ideological radicalization, what you might call the lone wolf, although they're supported by a lot of people. The department began to understand that, and it actually made it better because the DOJ would have the lawsuits, right, would have the criminal investigations.

DOD would have the state threats, and we were sort of left with the sort of all hazards homeland approach. You then have the Trump pivot, which is the threat is Mexico. If you look at the numbers, if you look at the budget, if you look at the, just the freakin’ noise of everything that we talked about when it came to homeland security was a wall or was immigration, right?

Rather than immigration being an opportunity, or even recognizing the millions of people that, pre-COVID, were crossing the US-Mexico border lawfully every week, right? So that's hard to do, and we were doing it, right? We're about flow, that's what the department's about. It's about secure flow.

Focus on secure. But you need flow, right? Things need to move: people, ideas, networks, and so the department – it wasn’t perfect, my God, no, but it was beginning to get a sense of we're about the secure flow of people, goods, ideas, and network. That's what we do. And then when it crashes down, then we're the response people. And then that just changed. I mean, it just changed the singular focus of a department on a border. And it was so inconsistent with what everyone was talking about. I mean, it was a, you know, Mexico, a border, like that's not our existential threat. 

So really in some ways it's how do you pivot back to all hazards, borderless all hazards because these threats, at least on climate change, when I think about my kids — yes I worry about pandemics for the time being, cause they're teenagers and life sucks for them — but when I think about the existential threat, it's climate.

David Frum [00:23:59]:  To pick up on that point a bit about the way bureaucracy works, and I'm sure everyone who’s working in government has seen this, the way it works is it begins by choosing or vetoing a particular solution.

And then once the solution is chosen or vetoed, that then defines the problem. So if you say that, look, we want to prevent school shootings. Don't touch guns. You need to conceptualize the school shooting program in such a way that the most obvious solution is not allowed. That's where the wall comes from. So where the wall came from is, if you decide, look, what we want to do is we want to enforce immigration more strictly than we've been doing before, which is something I would want to do.

Well, the obvious answer is, we'll tell the department of labor to come up with some standards to enforce social security numbers at the place of work, so we can confirm that employers are hiring legal people. No, that logical solution is out because the restaurant association doesn't like it.

So, now we need to figure out a way to control immigration that doesn't use the most potent tool for controlling immigration. And then you end up backing just as we try to control school shootings by policing backpacks rather than weapons, we try to control immigration by building a border wall rather than joining the workplace, which we already have the mechanisms to do.

And the thing that Juliet said about flows, I mean the thing that the great walls of history — Great Wall of China, Hadrian's wall — have never been about, they were always about regulation. They were never about exclusion. It's not like on the other side there's this seething mass of Scottish barbarians on one side of Hadrian's wall and Romans on the other, the whole point was the wall was perforated by gates. The wall was a zone of transition. And it was as much about taxing and inspecting as it was about trying to keep people out, which no, you just can't do. Even on, on the small scale of Great Britain, nevermind the vast scale of the American Southwest.

Harry Litman [00:25:36]: It’s now time to take a moment for our Sidebar feature, which explains some of the terms and relationships that are foundational to events that are in the news. And we are very fortunate today to have Neil Brown, Jr talk to us about insider trading. Neil Brown, Jr is an American actor many will recognize as Guillermo on AMC’s The Walking Dead, as well as from his other roles in Battle: Los Angeles, Fast and Furious, Straight Outta Compton, and CBS’s SEAL Team. He’s going to explain to us how the federal crime of insider trading works.

Neil Brown, Jr [00:26:16]: Insider trading is a kind of fraud in which people buy and sell things on the basis of important confidential information that they learned in ways not available to the public at large. If you buy or sell a stock in the stock market, and it turns out the other party is the CEO of the company, and trading on confidential information that won’t be public until tomorrow, you’d feel cheated. The United States Securities and Exchange Commission sets up rules to insure that financial markets are fair and transparent. One of these rules prohibits individuals from taking advantage of other traders by using material nonpublic information obtained as part of a relationship of trust or confidence.

Material nonpublic information is any information that hasn’t yet become public, and important enough to affect a stock’s price. Of course, ordinary investors could obtain the material nonpublic information simply by doing better research than everyone else. That’s why the SEC only makes it a crime when you learn information by virtue of a position of trust or confidence. That’s the insider in insider trading. So, who has such a relationship? Well, corporate officers and employees, even low level employees who pick up nonpublic information in their jobs, as would their family members and close friends, outside lawyers and accountants, anyone who signs a contract saying the information would be kept secret.

In addition, if an insider gives this information to a member of the public, that person is also prohibited from trading on it. There is another group as well, the Stock Act says that members of Congress owe a duty of trust and confidence for any material nonpublic information they obtain in the course of their official duties. That means that they have a duty not to trade on the confidential information they learn in office. That’s why it was such a big deal when news broke that several senators had made major stock trades hours and days after receiving a private briefing about the coronavirus.

The most serious were trades by Senators Kelly Loeffler and David Perdue of Georgia, and Senator Richard Burr of North Carolina. Allegations were also raised about trades made by Senators James Inhofe, Diane Feinstein, and Congressman Greg Gianforte. The SEC has never criminally charged anyone for insider trading under the Stock Act, but the DOJ began investigations into some of these allegations. The investigation into Senator Burr continues, but the DOJ announced in May that it had closed the investigations into Senator Loeffler and others. The big question federal investigators are looking at is whether Burr sold stock based on the private confidential information he received by virtue of his office. For Talking Feds, I’m actor Neil Brown, Jr. from HBO’s Insecure.

Harry Litman [00:30:02]: Alright, I wanted to touch on now, we said up front all our guests have written books. It's sort of a season for books, but two receive particular attention this week and both in different ways detailed the president’s confabulations in discussing threats to the national security. So I thought that we could speak briefly about Pete Strzok’s new book, and then also the revelations, which consumed the news cycle of admissions from the president to Bob Woodward about the virus. Let me just serve up the Strzok book, I mean, it's, it's sort of old news, but he does make this very vivid charge, if true, that Michael Goldsmith, the inspector general of the department of justice basically altered things at the end out of some uncertain animus.

And I can tell you that people in the community who know Strzok really thought that Goldsmith both hammered him hard, and left out some important things. Any thoughts in particular about Strzok book and its role in the apparently endless controversy over the 2016 counterintelligence operation that involved the president.

Frank Figliuzzi [00:31:13]: I think that when you combine Pete Strzok’s book with Mike Schmidt's book and the realization that we have an unanswered question, which may be the seminal question of our time, which is whether or not the president of the United States is co-opted by a foreign power. And that the revelation is that we seem to not have answered that question or fully attempted to resolve it.

And I think the fact that there's even still grayness about whether or not, you know, this initially the Schmidt book is saying, hey, it was a finger pointing Mueller saying, I thought you got it to the Bureau, the Bureau saying, I thought you had it. I got to tell you, that to many of us that doesn't ring true in terms of how things work. Major counterintelligence investigations don't simply vanish. There's too much paper tracking, but, but now here comes Strzok saying, well, I'm not sure exactly what transpired, but, um, it hasn't been resolved and it hasn't had a financial aspect to it, for sure. As far as he knows, but remember he got walked out of the building.

So, we have an unanswered question that may never get resolved and that's a huge takeaway from Strzok’s book, the other, the other thing I think we were all focused on Trump so much that we forgot that Pete Strzok is the guy that Michael Flynn lied to and and pled guilty to lying to.

And what Strzok’s message of course is, Hey, the right got all caught up in the Logan Act. This was a criminal case and we ambushed him, cause the Logan Act is nonsense and he keeps reminding us this was a counterintelligence case. It was very important to know whether he was going to lie to us about Russia from a counter intel perspective. So this issue of relevancy is nonsense. 

Juliette Kayyem [00:32:57]: You know, I will bring up the Woodward book because the Woodward book is about Trump's admissions, but it also has some reporting, some of it's second hand about Dan Coats. I mean, you have the director of the office of national intelligence, at least asserting to someone enough so that would Woodward feels confident reporting it, that he believed, not sorta-believe, that he believed that the Russians ‘had something’ in quotes, on Trump. That is the same question that Frank raises, which is just the ultimate question, which is the why. I'm a big former Dixie Chicks fan. They're now called the Chicks, but they have a line in their new big hit song that is, “what the hell happened in Helsinki?” Right? I mean, you know, like it's like, it's like that, that sentence is just basically the entire Trump administration in four years, just leave it to the Chicks to cut to the chase.

David Frum [00:33:49]: The why question is so important. And the harder you think about it, the more important it becomes, and the Russians got the same information in 2016 as everybody else. Hillary Clinton was overwhelmingly, probably likely to win. And what they also knew about Hillary Clinton is she's got many good qualities, but forgiveness is not high on the list of her good qualities.

So they were going to go to electronic war with the probable winner of the United States, who is probably going to hold them to account if she won. They had to have a good reason to do that, and mischief making is just not a good enough reason. There are a lot of ways to make mischief other than getting into the highest level of politics and making a personal enemy of the probable next president of the United States. So they must've had a good reason. And I have been struck throughout as you all were at the lack of interest in getting to the bottom of the why question. I think part of the problem is a configuration of the American mind and the American legal system in American media, which is, this is a highly legalist country.

And so Americans want to know, were any laws broken? And Americans also tend to think if you didn't break the law, you did nothing wrong, because you can go up to the limit of the law rather than be bound bound by them. And as the laws get multiplied, as there ever more laws to violate, then if you don't violate the law, you must be in the right.

And the thing — I've been yammering this over and over again since the spring of 2017, is that if Trump was beholden to Russia, he probably did nothing illegal. It is not illegal for an American citizen to owe a lot of money to creditors in another country. That's perfectly legal. Even if Trump had colluded… it was a very nice question whether or not even collusion would be against the law, because it is illegal for a foreigner to contribute a thing of value to an American political campaign. But there's a lot of reason to doubt that information would count as a thing of value. And so even if they chatted back and forth, shared information, it's not clear that that was against the law.

And none of that should matter because it's not a legal matter. And so I've been pleading for three years, do not give this the department of justice, and with respect to our friends here,  do not invite legal analysts on to MSNBC to talk about it, because they will start talking about the US code and that's got nothing to do with it.

What you need are former spies to convene a special independent commission that can go away for six months and get access to records, subpoena people, and find out what happened, even if no law was broken. 

Harry Litman [00:36:06]: Yeah, I mean, it's manifest, is it not, that it was crazy that we even had the debate that when you're talking about impeaching a president, it can't be limited to crimes.

I mean, this prefigures the Woodward discussion a little, but if it's true that he purposely downplayed things and if it's true, whatever that would mean that it caused deaths, that would play out as a grave violation of public trust, the kind of thing that impeachment is there for and it'd be uncontroversially not a crime, but it's just stunning to me.

There's some frustration involved in his continuing to elude accountability. But what seems even more profound and grating is the country's inability to come to the fact of the matter of what the hell happened in so many ways. And even in 2020, the manchurian candidate hypothesis is not completely, it can't be taken off the table, and there's such basic things that will be the stuff of these books and historians and suppositions or nice storylines by the Bob Woodwards and Jeff Toobins of the world. And that's a hell of a way to treat such a, such a grave national chapter. 

David Frum [00:37:15]: Anyone who's visited the website law of the day will understand the absurdity of the concept that you impeach the president for breaking the law. That the president goes fishing and catches the wrong kind of mackerel on the wrong day. You're not gonna impeach him for that. The first lady misperceives the age of one of her daughter's friends and serves alcohol to a minor in the white house.

You're not gonna know. There's just, there's so many things that are illegal that of course you wouldn't impeach the president for. And then there's so many things that are, you would impeach them. As I said, it would not be illegal for private citizen Donald Trump to owe a hundred million dollars to Russian creditors. And yet I’d remove him from office if he did that, wouldn't you?

Harry Litman [00:37:52]: Yes, is the short end. I mean, when you, when you have any kind of grownup analysis of the public trust that he's sworn to uphold, it does put the criminal code, I agree, beside the point, and it was a funny kind of political dynamic that that replaced what really ought to have been the true inquiry.

All right. Let's talk for a couple minutes about Woodward and with the headline revelation of the president's saying, ‘Oh yeah.’ Even as he was assuring the country it was no big deal. We have it under control. He knew this was, or he asserts now too, that he knew it was gravely serious. That really seems another kind of instance of what you were just talking about, David, that's as grave a transgression and, and breaking of national trust as you can imagine. My first question is, why do Trump and others, you know, talk unguardedly in this way to Woodward, do they, how does it work out that he gets this kind of information that seems so against Trump's interest.

David Frum [00:38:47]: Well, I joked on Twitter that it's a very simple explanation that Trump made the classic error, which is he thought he had the sharks with laser beams, in fact, they were sea bass with flashlights, and he left the fish tank guarded by Jared and by Don Jr. And of course, Bob Woodward escaped after Trump confessed the evil plot, but I think there's something else that's going on here.

And I've wrote a long and not flattering review of the first Woodward book and I have another long and not flattering review of the second Woodward book coming out, that the Woodward method is a series of transactions where he pays for information by offering to allow you to disparage your opponents and aggrandize yourself.

And if you are nimble at that game, you get Alan Greenspan's Maestro, you get this hagiographic treatment, right. And if you're less good than Greenspan, but still pretty good, you got the first Bush at War book. And then as things, if you don't play the game as well, things are bad. Look, Donald Trump negotiated a pretty good deal for the first Trump book, because the price, what Woodward paid was that he became a leading media attack dog on the Russian story in 2017.

People forget this, but Woodward was out there saying there's nothing to it. It's a hoax. He derided it. Partly because it wasn't his story, but partly because that was the price of doing a deal. Now what happened in this book, I started to sort of in the Atlantic, was back in 2017, Woodward thought that Trump was a savvy figure like Greenspan and you had to pay, what he figured out was Trump is the Schmendrick of all Schmendricks. You don't have to give them any, anything, and he'll keep talking. 

Harry Litman [00:40:15]: You don't even need the nickel, he just keeps talking. 

David Frum [00:40:18]: But what Woodward is also a genius at, is repackaging stuff you all already knew as if it were new. So here's the big headline reveal in the Woodward book is that on March 19th, Donald Trump said, I am I'm deliberately downplaying COVID.

Trump said that on television, on March 17th, he said, back when I was saying it wasn't a pandemic, I knew it was a pandemic, even when I was saying it wasn’t a pandemic. He said it on TV. And the reason I think we focus on Woodward is Woodward gives us this feeling we're hearing something secret. And only secret things are wrong. So if the president was taking bribes, in a briefcase, five stories underground, that's news. If the president builds a hotel on Pennsylvania Avenue and puts his name on the door and takes bribes there and we can all see it happening every day, that's not news because it's all happening in plain sight.

Juliette Kayyem [00:41:06]: Yeah. It's so funny you say, cause I had the same reaction a little bit of the Woodward thing. I want to just step back and just, there is something, there's like a generational aspect to this that, you know, if I’m important enough for Bob Woodward to want to talk to me, I must be a big deal, where if you talk to my kids or like, what the hell?

So that was a long time ago, mom. So there's something about, Woodward's very presence and existence made Trump feel like a president in ways that he's constantly trying to prove himself. I mean, we have a president who yesterday took credit for the auto bailout, which happened in 2008. I was about to tweet, but then my husband, who's my good at Twitter editor told me not to, we're two weeks away from Trump claiming he's the first black president. Like, I mean, he's just like, basically, he's just trying to figure out, you know, what is, what does Obama have a claim to?

And I want it next. Right? So that's the first thing. The second is, in Trump’s world, I do believe that it is better to be deadly than wrong. And that's what I think was happening, that he could, he had to start fessing up to the fact he knew it was going to be a pandemic because if he had missed that, that means he's wrong.

So he didn't miss it, it means he's deadly. Cause he didn't prepare us, but in Trump's world, it is better to have to excuse 200,000 dead than that Donald Trump was wrong. And so he's been on this, ‘I knew it, I knew it was coming blah, blah, blah,’ for a while.

And I think, you know, Woodward just puts it out starkly, but if you were listening closely, this was a man who wanted to be clear that he was never wrong. 

David Frum [00:42:47]: That's a great point, one more follow up. The first reported American death from COVID is February 28th. The real deaths happened a little bit earlier, but I'm not gonna know the toll as of the 19th of March when, when Trump spoke, but it would be not that big.

And what he was saying at his press conference when he, yeah, when he said I knew it all along cause I'm such a smart guy, was not as catastrophic as it would become in April and May. So it was partly because Trump was so unbelievably ignorant about what was happening, that he felt it was a smart move to try to look smart by taking credit for it.

Harry Litman [00:43:17]: Yeah. One more quick, related point, the flip side of what Juliette says, uh, you know, Woodward basically offers social acceptability, the kind of thing he's craved and always escaped him, say in New York. And of course in Woodward's world, which is about, as he puts it, ‘the best obtainable version of the truth,’ you're taking huge risks if you don't play ball, those are the people who might have the biggest trouble. 

Alright, we’re out of time in a fantastic discussion. We just have a couple of seconds left for the Five Words or Fewer feature, and I’d like to call an audible here and go with the news that broke just as we were recording on Friday, and that was about Nora Dannehy’s resignation from the probe led by John Durham, and she resigned not just from the probe, but from the department, which is a really extreme move and suggests that they were being asked to do something that she found antithetical to her role as a prosecutor. And let me just add that Nora Dannehy, anyone who knows her knows shes a very respected long time serving career prosecutor, unimpeachable integrity, judgement, the whole package. Alright, so I just ask in Five Words or Fewer, if her resignation will in any way derail or hobble the report by Durham? Frank, wanna start?

Frank Figliuzzi [00:44:45]: Nora’s resignation weakens Durham’s report.

Juliette Kayyem [00:044:49]: Okay. So I have one: yet again, woman calls bullshit.

Harry Litman [00:44:58]: I don't, I don't know. I think we're silenced after this, David. But do your best.

David Frum [00:45:02]: I'll try it because, just to set it up, I've had acquaintances who have been summoned to talk to the investigation or invited because some of them were foreign nationals. And my advice to all of them, and I will say here in five words is: Talking? Record it. And that I think no one should go to that meeting with any presumption of good faith, and they should have their own audio and visual record of everything that happens, and of the questions are asked. And because this is not a legal inquiry, there is no reason at all that if you are interrogated and you ask or ask questions that you can't record it and post it on the internet and you should.

Harry Litman [00:45:34]: And by the way, it's not a legal inquiry, but what the hell is it? Because where does the department of justice, which isn’t supposed to influence elections get off in issuing a report potentially before the election. It's the equivalent of the thing that Comey was so pilloried for. Making the gratuitous editorial comment about what Hillary Clinton had done and the process of saying we're not prosecuting her, why this is something that the department releases to the public is beyond me. Nevertheless, I will say: no, but already not important. 

Thank you very much to Frank, David and Juliette, and thank you very much listeners for tuning in to Talking Feds. If you like what you’ve heard, please tell a friend to subscribe to us on Apple Podcasts, or wherever they get their podcasts, and please take a moment to rate and review this podcast. You can follow us on Twitter @TalkingFedsPod to find out about future episodes and other Feds related content. And you can check us out on the web, talkingfeds.com , where we have full episode transcripts. You can also look to see our latest offerings on Patreon.com/talkingfeds , where we post discussions about special topics exclusively for supporters, you will find there this week the three episodes about the Office of Legal Counsel, the White House Counsel, and the Solicitor General’s office, and later in the week a 1-on-1 interview between me and Pennsylvania Attorney General Josh Shapiro. Submit your questions to questions@talkingfeds.com , whether it’s for Five Words or Fewer, or general questions about the inner workings of the legal system for our Sidebar segments. Thanks for tuning in, and don’t worry: as long as you need answers, the Feds will keep talking.

Talking Feds is produced by Jennifer Bassett and Rebecca Lowe-Patton. Our editor is Justin Wright. David Lieberman and Rosie Don Griffin are our contributing writers. Production assistance from Matt McArdle. Our consulting producer is Andrea Carla-Michaels. Thanks very much to Neil Brown, Jr. for explaining the federal crime of insider trading, and our gratitude as always to the amazing Phillip Glass, who graciously lets us use his music. Talking Feds is a production of Dalito, LLC. I’m Harry Litman, see you next time.

SISTERS IN LAW SPECIAL VOTERS RIGHTS EDITION: USE IT OR LOSE IT

Barbara McQuade [00:00:07]: Welcome to a special Talking Feds: Sisters in Law episode. I'm Barb McQuade. Last week, Joyce Vance, Jill Wine-Banks and I sat down at our virtual Sisters in Law coffee table to have a conversation with Vanita Gupta and Pam Karlan in honor of the hundredth anniversary of women's suffrage to talk about voting rights. 

This week, Joyce, Jill and I continue our conversations on the topic with Sherrilyn Ifill. She's the president and director counsel of the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund. We talked with Sherrilyn about the duties we share as a legal profession to protect the rule of law. The right to vote is so precious, and every vote counts. I remember a time about 10 years ago, my husband and I were out in our front yard, assembling a trampoline. 

It was for our kids, and a candidate for county commissioner came by, knocking on doors to talk to voters. My husband and I actually had planned to vote for his opponent, but he stopped and not only talked with us, but he helped us with the trampoline.

He probably spent about 20 minutes with us. And as we were there, we said, we feel bad wasting your time. And he said, it's not a waste of time at all. Let me tell you about my views and my position on issues. So we listened, and you bet he convinced us to vote for him. We did each vote for him, and he won by exactly one vote. I sometimes question whether my memory is accurate on that and I've gone back to check and he truly did win by one vote. He is now a state rep in our state house. And so, I think that story just demonstrates why every vote really counts. And it's so important that everybody is able to exercise their right to vote.

So we're going to talk about that with Sherrilyn Ifill later today – but first, I wanted to talk to my Sisters in Law about what they’re working on as the calendar shifts to September. I know I’m focusing now on my teaching, some online, some in person. How about you, Joyce? What have you been up to?

Joyce Vance [00:02:01]: Well we went back to school I guess this is the start of our third week, so I teach law at the university of alabama. I’m all remote this semester, which has been a real learning curve. But fringe benefit, I can walk out into our backyard on breaks and go visit with my chickens. We’ve acquired a flock of six chickens during quarantine, so that’s a little bit of a diversion.

Barbara McQuade [00:02:23]: It’s been such a COVID thing, I see all kinds of new puppies and kittens around my neighborhood, but not new chickens. Why chickens?

Joyce Vance [00:02:30]: So apparently, chickens are a thing. I did it because our youngest child asked if he could have them, and he’s a high school senior. He’s been phenomenal about — we’ve had to quarantine because we have a kid with a primary immune system disorder, and this child, the youngest one has voluntarily given up a lot of things, has been uncomplaining, so I thought the least I could do is hatch some chicks for him.

Barbara McQuade [00:02:51]: And does he eat the eggs?

Joyce Vance [00:02:53]: We’re months away from eggs right now, and they’re gonna be really expensive, you know? When I think about the work I did in the yard, and building coops so that we can have these very pampered chickens. But they’re very sweet, and they have personalities and they have names. I'm learning a lot of things about chickens that I didn't know, so it’s all for the good.

Barbara McQuade [00:03:12]: How about you, Jill? What have you been up to these days?

Jill Wine-Banks [00:03:14]: Well I don’t have pampered chickens, but I am now the pampered chef. I interrupted tonight my canning of peaches. Last year I didn’t do any because the peaches were terrible last year, but this year they’re really good, and so I’m making spiced peaches and if I have enough left over I might make peach chutney or peach preserves.

Barbara McQuade [00:03:36]: Alright so we’ve got chickens and we’ve got peaches, we’ve got you covered. And so, let’s tune in to our conversation with Sherrilyn.

Jill Wine-Banks [00:03:44]: Welcome Sherilyn. We're really thrilled to have you. 

Sherrilyn Ifill [00:03:47]: I am absolutely honored.

Jill Wine-Banks [00:03:49]: We are going to have a wonderful discussion with you. And so we want to talk about some of the things that you at the Legal Defense Fund might be doing around voting.

Sherrilyn Ifill [00:03:59]: So, voting is always a priority at LDF and addressing voter suppression has been kind of part of the lifeblood of the organization. And I say that because I think people feel in some ways like what they are seeing in voter suppression is new. What is new about it is the way in which really, since the Supreme Court’s decision in Shelby County versus Holder in 2013, what used to be thought of as a kind of a regional issue, focused mostly although not exclusively in the South, has really become a national issue.

The Supreme Court lifting that preclearance requirement from the voting rights act actually ended up opening up and nationalizing what had been a local problem. And so the kinds of voter suppression that we used to see in places like Alabama and Georgia and North Carolina and Louisiana, we still see.

But now we also see it in Pennsylvania and Kansas and North Dakota and Wisconsin. And so we have been prioritizing voting rights for a very long time. I began my career as a voting rights lawyer at LDF several decades ago. And this year we have been conscious of this election being held without the protections of the voting rights act.

And without the engagement of a Department of Justice, which has always been such a powerful, important partner in this space. So we have really pushed voting work to the forefront. And then of course, we all got thrown by a loop in February and March when the COVID pandemic came upon us. And we ended up having to kind of open an entire new front of voting litigation around trying to expand access to absentee voting because of COVID. 

Joyce Vance [00:05:34]: Sherrilyn, when you mentioned the loss of DOJ as a partner in this work, can you give our listeners some idea of what that really means? What kind of work are you used to doing with DOJ? And perhaps more importantly, does DOJ still have a voting rights section and what kind of work is it doing? 

Sherrilyn Ifill [00:05:51]: Well I haven't heard from it, so I don't know if it's a closely guarded secret if they, if they actually are doing something. As I said, I've been a voting rights litigator for many years. And in all that time, including during Republican administrations, when I first started out, there was a Republican administration, George H.W. Bush in the white house.

And I recall that the first case I developed and filed on my own, as a voting rights lawyer at LDF was a case called Houston Lawyers’ Association v. Texas, challenging the way trial court judges were elected in Harris County, Texas. The companion case was a case called Chisom v. Roemer, which was the case challenging the way Supreme Court judges in Louisiana were elected.

And both of those cases were moving up through the system, through the fifth circuit and to the Supreme Court at the same time and were argued on the same day. I didn't get to argue the case, but then director council of the Legal Defense Fund argued the case. I did get to sit at counsel table, which was great, but it was my case.

And I remember the conversations that we had about the oral argument with the solicitor general's office because the solicitor general was also arguing that day because the Department of Justice had intervened in the Chisom case and the Louisiana judges case. And I remember the conversations about the argument, we were on the same side.

Now, the solicitor general wasn't prepared to argue quite in the way that we were, and to make all of the arguments that we were going to make, well we were on the same side and that solicitor general was Ken Starr. So it's important for me that people understand that what we're seeing today with the justice department, the complete abdication of civil rights space is not because it's partisan. That's not the reason. This is a very particular kind of stance that this department of justice has taken since Trump was elected with Jeff Sessions, dare I say Matthew Whitaker, and then Bill Barr, where they have completely absented themselves from this field.

So, this is important. I mean, at the end of the day, LDF does incredible work and our partner civil rights organizations do incredible work, but if you pull us all together, we don't have 10,000 lawyers like the department of justice. And so, we are playing whack-a-mole with limited resources trying to do this work.

Barbara McQuade [00:08:00]: Sherrilyn, you are an inspiration to litigators and students who aspire to be litigators, because you're using the law as a tool to achieve justice. But I wonder to what extent we could improve this, the situation through a new voting rights act. I know some have advocated for a John Lewis voting rights act to do more of a legislative fix for Shelby County. Do you think there's space for that? And could that be more effective than having to file a lawsuit every time you want to fix some remedy?

Sherrilyn Ifill [00:08:28]: Absolutely Barb. I mean there just is, it's of paramount importance. You know, if you've ever spent time reading the senate report that accompanied the legislation, the original voting rights act legislation, which if you litigate for the voting rights act, you've read that senate reports kind of regarded as the definitive document that tells us what Congress was thinking when they enacted the voting rights act. And what the Senate said in that report about section five of the voting rights act and the pre-clearance requirement, was that the act was designed to get not just at existing discrimination, but what the Senate report called “ingenious new methods of voting discrimination.”

So it was this incredible forward-looking statute. They understood that, that it would shapeshift, right. As a great civil rights activist once told us about racism, it's a shapeshift, right. They knew that Southern jurisdictions would come up with new ways of voter suppression that they hadn't even thought of in 1965.

So they created the preclearance provision to get out ahead of that, right. So that they could stop the discrimination before it happens. And that of course is why the voting rights act was regarded as really the most effective civil rights legislation that passed in the 1960s, because it was the only one that created a mechanism that would allow you to stop discrimination before it happened, by requiring other jurisdictions to submit any voting changes they wanted to make to a federal authority to determine the effect on minority voters.

So, yes, yes. In light of the Supreme court having gutted section five in the Shelby County v. Holder case, what we need is a new pre-clearance formula — this time a national pre-clearance formula, because the problem is now national, that will allow us to not have to litigate these cases, but that would understand that we should be able to examine voting changes right at the beginning to determine what their effect is and determine whether they have potentially a discriminatory effect.

And for all the people who have waxed about the greatness of John Lewis, particularly in the United States Congress and particularly in the Senate, I would like to see them step up and honor his legacy by being prepared to pass legislation to correct the mistakes of the Shelby County decision. And to put that tool back in our hands.

Barbara McQuade [00:10:36]: Yeah. They were all very happy to post a picture of themselves on Twitter with John Lewis, you know, good trouble... 

Sherrilyn Ifill [00:10:43]: Or a picture of Elijah Cummings, whatever they had on hand.  

Barbara McQuade [00:10:46]: Right. Put your money where your mouth is, right. 

Jill Wine-Banks [00:10:48]: So Sherilyn. If a new law was passed, and the department of justice had any power to approve or disapprove, would we in this administration have any confidence that that would be effective? This is a new world, completely different than as you've described when you worked with the department where you were on the same side. Now we could expect, I think, that William Barr would certainly not disapprove of any trick to suppress the vote. So how would it help? How, how could it be phrased in a way that we would all say yes, that's the right way to go?

Sherrilyn Ifill [00:11:26]: Well I think two things. First of all, I think it's quite appropriate for us to presume the requirement of integrity in the department of justice, which sadly it's lacking at this point. But what I do presume is that if we have a Congress, particularly a Senate is prepared to pass a new voting rights act, It is also a Senate that is prepared to do their job of oversight of the department of justice, which is their job.

And if they are doing their job correctly, and the Senate still has the power of the purse, you know, they have the power to control, in many ways, what federal agencies over which they have oversight do, and they can exercise more control than we have seen. So we would expect that we would have a Senate that was prepared to exercise that control.

Let us also remember that there are two submissions to make, potential submissions to make under the old preclearance requirement. One was to the United States attorney general and the other was to the DC district court. The point of pre-clearance was that it had to go to a federal authority. It was not exclusively the department of justice. 

And so a renewed voting rights act could also imagine that there would be another federal authority in the, under the old section five regime, it was the DC district court. One could imagine making either allowance or requirement with a certain time period, right? If not submitted within a certain time period, or if one has not received action or an investigation within a time period, that it automatically goes to another federal authority. 

There are all kinds of plays to make it work so that it is an effective tool, but I also think that not in my lifetime will I give up the idea that we can allow something called the department of justice, right. That we can also allow the pain and the work that it took to stand up a civil rights division in the department of justice in 1957, that is also part of the civil rights movement we should remember. And accept the idea that Bill Barr or Jeff Sessions are allowed to simply advocate their responsibility of enforcement of the nation's civil rights laws.

And so I think that still has to be part and parcel of any effort to address the issue of voter suppression in this country. 

Jill Wine-Banks [00:13:22]: I wish that could happen. I just fear right now that we're in a situation where the Senate will do nothing to hold Barr accountable and that Barr will certainly take every advantage of any power he has to say, ‘Oh yeah, that's, that's fine. That change is fine.’

Sherrilyn Ifill [00:13:38]: Well, this Senate is not going to obviously pass the voting rights act either, or they would have done it. Right. It would have passed the house sometime ago. So were obviously dreaming a dream of a, of a different world, at least in the Senate space, in which there might be a different kind of will and leadership that we do not have now. And so that, one imagines that if there is an amendment to the act, we would be talking about a different political landscape. 

Joyce Vance [00:13:59]: But Sherrilyn helped us understand how we got there because every time that the voting rights act has been re-upped, it's been on a bipartisan vote. Republicans and Democrats have both voted to keep the act in place.

And that's because when we're talking about voting, we're not talking about the political act of voting, you know, the decision that we make about who to pull the lever for. We're talking about the right to vote, which is something that transcends party politics, something that Republicans have always voted for in the past and suddenly won't.

So what happened? Do you have a diagnosis for what changed here? 

Sherrilyn Ifill [00:14:36]: I do. And it wasn't the flip of a switch from one day to another, democracy unravels over time. And I think that too often, too many have failed to see the warning signs of the unraveling of our democracy in really important ways. 

You are absolutely right Joyce, the voting rights act was always a bipartisan piece of legislation, when it was enacted and every time that it was reauthorized as well, the presidents who signed it, it's reauthorization are, you know, Reagan and George W. Bush and the reauthorization in 2006, as you know, was that the house vote was 396 to 33.

The Senate vote was 98 to zero. This was never a partisan bill, but I think that the unraveling of our core democratic values has long been happening. And Mr. Trump is a symptom of that unraveling. He is not the beginning of that unraveling. And unfortunately, part of that unraveling is that there are a set of elected leaders who value power at all costs above everything. That even the pretense and the veneer, which there used to be, of trying to aspire to certain democratic values.

Where there was an effort by leaders, no matter what their political party, to articulate the values of equality, of racial equality and justice, no matter what. And yet we see now that there isn't that interest, in that even articulation, where we will have the president of the United States telling members of the United States Congress, they should go back to the countries that they're from, all American United States Congress people, and we will hear nothing.

Nothing from Republican members of the United States Congress. So what we have seen unravel hasn't happened over time. I have suggested that our silence about the little things has led to the unraveling of the big things. You know, when president Obama was still in office, after the Shelby County decision, and states like Texas rushed to pass their voter ID law, the most restrictive voter ID law in the country, as you well know Joyce, and you'll remember Joyce that very day.

I think it was the Texas attorney general, who said, we're now going to voter ID law back up on the books. They all rushed to do this. When I talk about the Texas voter ID law being discriminatory, it's not because I'm saying it because I'm a civil rights lawyer saying it because it was found by a federal judge that the law was designed to discriminate against African American and Latino voters.

It was the most restrictive voter ID law in the country. We all know that our clients who went to HBCU couldn't use their university ID, you couldn’t use your tribal ID. You couldn't use certain kinds of government employment ID, which the thinking was that they're more likely to be held by people who are black and Latino, but you could use your concealed gun carry permit, right?

When North Carolina passed their omnibus voter suppression law, it was the fourth circuit that found that the law was enacted with surgical precision to try and disenfranchise African American voters. That's not an opinion of a civil rights lawyer or advocate. These are the findings of federal courts.

And Wisconsin's voter ID law also was found to be discriminatory. And this is when Obama was still president. Where was the outrage? Were people then talking about white supremacy, or did it take Charlottesville and people walking with swastikas and giving Nazi salutes for people to understand that white supremacy was on the rise in this country.

I think, and I said at the time, that when whole legislatures are meeting for the purpose of suppressing the political participation of their fellow citizens based on race, that we should be sounding the alarm on white supremacy. So that was 2013, 2014 when these ID laws were coming to the fore. And yet there was not national outrage.

We were outraged, civil rights lawyers were outraged by it. We were talking about it, our communities were talking about it, but it was not the subject of discussion in mainstream media and so forth as it is today. In fact, when you said the words white supremacy, then it was like you were being slightly indelicate.

You really weren't allowed to say that until after Charlottesville. So it's our failure to have captured the — understood the danger that we were in, in those moments, that led us to this moment. And has led to the walking away from the voting rights act. All of these people who used to come down to Selma with John Lewis. John Lewis, so gracious, every year would bring his colleagues down for a tour, the faith and politics group, tour of civil rights sites, he’d take them to Money, Mississippi, where Emmett Till was killed.

He'd take them to the 16th street Baptist church in Birmingham, where the four little girls were killed and he would wind them up in Selma and you've seen them. I've seen them. I'm, I'm there every year. Steve Scalise and Kevin McCarthy, they were all there laying wreaths on the Edmund Pettus bridge. And yet these are the same people who did not vote to amend the voting rights act despite John Lewis’ pleas, and who have been lock-step and refuse to lift their voices to speak to what they know are supposed to be the professed democratic values of this country. So I think there's enough blame to go around, and I'm quite exorcised about it. I really, as a lawyer, I've been quite hard on my own profession to be frank, because I really believe that our profession has failed to step up.

I think that many aspects of our profession, particularly since Trump was elected have covered themselves in glory, I think. Civil rights lawyers and civil liberties activists. And I think the Sisters in Law, and so many of you who have stepped up, spoken out. The former U S attorneys who have come forward and said, this is outrageous.

It's been a beautiful thing to see, but it's been a small group. It's gotten bigger, right? More people have been signing petitions and so forth. But I do think that there is some truth and reconciliation that this profession will need to do with itself in this period that try to diagnose what happened. We happened.

And it's vital that we take responsibility as lawyers. I'm putting myself in the group, although as a civil rights lawyer I feel like I have been sounding the alarm for some time, but I took the same oath as everyone else in the profession. And I believe as I think Barb said, I believe in the rule of law, I've committed my life to using the law to try to make change.

But that means, for me it always meant that we were going to play by the same rules. And so even this morning, I think Joyce, you tweeted about it. You know, you see what came out of the Senate committee about Paul Manafort. And we look at transcripts that in any other state circumstance, if you all were prosecuting a case, it would be no question that it was obstruction of justice.

And yet I watched for years, people wrung their hands saying, is it obstruction of justice? Now, if the president tries to fire the person who's investigating, you know, all of this stuff, that's, you know, if the president tweets a veiled threat about the father-in-law of someone who’s going to testify before Congress. 

All of this hand wringing, as though these were actual questions, when you and I know that if just a few blocks down from here, we went to the federal courthouse in Baltimore and they were prosecuting an alleged gang leader, these same transcripts, you know, with different names and fit to the situation, there would be no question about what people thought was happening. So our profession has some work to do. And I think that's part of the story of how we got here.  

Barbara McQuade [00:21:33]: Sherrilyn, your thoughts there make me wonder what else is going on out there right now that maybe some of us are blind to. And one of the things I know you're working on right now is litigation involving voting rights for people with felony convictions, which is a perhaps slightly less subtle way to attack the voting rights of minorities. But maybe you can share some thoughts about that litigation. 

Sherrilyn Ifill [00:21:56]: Yeah, sure. And here's one of these extraordinary stories, right? That a ballot initiative is the voters in Florida about restoring the vote to formerly incarcerated people, and the people of Florida vote overwhelmingly for this ballot initiative that would restore voting rights to the formerly incarcerated people in Florida, and very quickly the Republicans in the legislature and the governor come together and pass a bill that says, not so fast. 

First, you have to pay all your fees and fines, right? And there are people who have allocated fees and fines that some calculate into the hundreds of thousands of dollars, some calculate into the millions, some calculate into just the thousands, or the hundreds, but there are, of course, many people, most people who are formerly incarcerated, who simply don't have the ability to pay those fees and fines.

And so now we've actually taken ourselves back to something that feels like, I don't know, 1964, where we had poll taxes, right? Where you had to pay in certain jurisdictions to vote. It's really been a dream team of lawyers, the campaign legal center, the SPLC, the ACLU, and LDF that litigated this case in Florida.

This was a full virtual trial. I think it was the first voting rights trial of the pandemic conducted virtually and really done excellently. We got a great decision from the trial court judge who called it a pay for vote scheme very clearly. And then we get a stay order from the 11th circuit, and of course then the Supreme court does what it does, which is, has been doing in a number of these cases where they will not lift the stay.

So, you know, we went back for our en banc argument this morning. That's one of them, the other piece, I think, Barbara, that illuminates this is the COVID piece. I thought there should be a little bit more, a little bit more excitement about this, right? So we're in the middle of a global pandemic. And we know what the statistics are.

We know that African Americans and Latinos are particularly subject and vulnerable to COVID infection and COVID death. In Milwaukee, the week of the primary election, when African-Americans constitute 28% of the population of Milwaukee, African-Americans constituted 70% of COVID deaths. So when that case was making its way to the Supreme court, in which the district court had suggested a very modest adjustment, which would have allowed votes to be counted that were postmarked on election day, but didn't get there by election day, absentee votes.

And the Supreme court kind of turned a blind eye to it and Purcell the case and basically said, it's too close to the elections and kind of tried and they're procuring opinion to say, you know, and that's the only thing this case is about. This is not a case about what kinds of adjustments should be made and so forth.

And then this has happened to us in Alabama with a case that we filed asking Alabama to relax. There are very onerous absentee voter requirements; Alabama requires that if you can vote absentee, you have to have two third-party witnesses sign your ballot, or it has to be notarized and you have to have a copy of your government issued photo ID.

And, and of course the ever eloquent secretary of state of Alabama said, you know what? They can just go to Kinko's. So you know, in this case, we represent people who are particularly subject to COVID, who have preexisting conditions. We brought, brought claims not only under the voting rights act, but also under the Americans with disabilities act.

So now what you're imagining is a regime in which you would have to interact with three people. I mean, we have people who are not seeing their children and their grandchildren, because they fear contracting COVID, but now they should engage with two third party witnesses to sign their ballot and go to Kinko's to get a copy of their government issued photo ID so that they can vote absentee.

Right? It's insanity. Excellent decision from Judge Abdul Kallon recognizes this is an unconstitutional burden on the right to vote. Same thing, goes up to the circuit. Same problem. Supreme court says, you know, we're not gonna, we're not going to take this on. I'm kind of surprised that people are not exorcized by this, compelling people to take their life in their hands to exercise their right as full citizens and cast a ballot. 

And frankly, outside the civil rights community, I don't hear the outcry about these cases. I just don't. And we're coming to the November election, we maybe, we see that in the Southern States, we're beginning to see the spike in COVID cases, and we may see yet another one in October.

Yes, of course it is also inspiring to see lines and lines of voters in Wisconsin in the primary and in Georgia, particularly of black voters, to fully participate as full citizens in this democracy, no matter what. It lifts me, and it gives me the encouragement I need to fight this out every day. But it also is outrageous that the choice should have to be made and that we should not be making every accommodation so that people do not have to take their life in their hands to vote.

And I want to take my hat off to the young attorneys in our office who have been litigating these cases in Louisiana, in Arkansas, in Alabama and South Carolina, all of us are affected by COVID. Many of them have young children that they now have to teach every day, because now they're all homeschoolers.

They're worried about their families. They're worried about their parents. They are working their butts off, you know, the courts have not closed, even if we're not physically in them. They are carrying these heavy dockets. They're working on these cases 24/7 to try and ensure we don't compel black people to take on COVID and have to imperil their lives.

I don't hear the rest of the profession talking about what an outrage this is. And I want to push a conversation within our profession in which perhaps the profession takes on a better understanding and reimagination of who we are compelled to be in moments of democratic crisis. 

Joyce Vance [00:27:18]: That makes so much sense to me that some of the obligation here belongs to lawyers. That is maybe a longer term process than either you or I would like to see, and like you I'm real concerned about what's going to happen come November.

And I remember being in Selma this year, we were in Selma together. It was one of the last big gatherings that I went to before we all began to quarantine for the pandemic. And as I was walking out of the church, an older gentleman and a young woman who was with him, sort of flagged me, and I went over and spoke with them, and he had been one of the original marchers across the bridge.

And he told me a story about how he had trouble voting. The last time he had gone in to vote, there had been a problem with his name being on the rolls. And he was really disturbed and he didn't know what to do. And it was wonderful because in the moment, surrounded by a lot of  the young lawyers and other workers that you're talking about, we were able to come up with a fix for him.

And someone actually picked him up and took him to vote in the primary a few days later. And he voted with no problem. What do people do now? Those sorts of problems that we've always had in elections are compounded by the pandemic. Do you have suggestions for what people do to make sure that they can vote, and what those of us in the community, lawyers and nonlawyers alike, what can we do to support this election?

Sherrilyn Ifill [00:28:37]: Absolutely. I'm so glad you asked that question, and I love you're bringing this up because you are one of the people who understands that voter suppression also happens quite intensely on election day, just because of all of the hitches and problems and negligence that can happen, and the process that has to be troubleshot in real time. I spent the November 2016 central election in Alabama, right. People are like, why are you there? 

Joyce Vance [00:29:02]: We may have talked to time or two that day!

Sherrilyn Ifill [00:29:05]: We might, we might have, right. Getting thrown off the polling place site, I recall. And so, and because we understand that you've got to do it in real time and I have this experience of, you know, the couple who've been married for 30 years, lived in the same house for 25 years.

They both go into the polling place. They come out and he says, ‘I don't get it. Her name was on the roll, my name wasn’t on the roll.’ You know, ‘did they let you know why?’ ‘They told me I had to vote provisionally, you know, whatever it was, I was on an inactive list and so forth.’ So we recognize that this is really important.

And we started this work pretty intensely this year. And we're trying to really troubleshoot all of those minute issues that you're talking about. So let's describe just a few more of them before I talk about the protocol. Issues of voting machines not working. We saw this in 2018 and 2016. 

We saw it in South Carolina, we saw it in Texas, people saying that they cast their ballots for the Democrats, but the machine switched to Republicans. We troubleshoot that in real time, we call the County election board, I recall in 2018 in Richland County, South Carolina, there was apparently a problem with the machines that needed to be, what they said, was ‘recalibrated.’

The problem was, they only had five technicians for 150 polling places or 150 machines or whatever it was, right? So we've been really zeroed in on the technician issue. Are there enough technicians, especially for places that have taken on new voting machines as they did in Georgia during the primary.

That some of these machines do break and they have to be fixed in real time. So you have those kinds of minute calculations that are important, but what we've been emphasizing for people is how much you have to prepare to vote this year. This is not the year where you can just decide on the night of November 2nd, you know what?

I decided I really liked that candidate, and I think I'm gonna vote tomorrow. This is not that year. This is the year in which if you intend to vote, first of all, you must vote. And second of all, you must decide that early on that you can prepare. So if you're going to vote absentee and you haven't ordered your absentee ballot yet, and I'm saying this to all of you on the podcast, do it today.

I ordered my absentee ballot already. Get online and do it, so that you can get that ballot back in time to get it back to the board of elections. Even if there are post office slow downs, get the ballot as soon as you possibly can. Now, of course, this is not the fix for everyone because not everybody's made up their mind about every race already, and we should be allowed to have the time we need.

Even if you've made up your mind about the president, maybe you haven't made up your mind about the three judges you should vote for, or the DA candidate, or the school board. Right. Maybe you're not ready to do that. Um, if you're not going to absentee vote, you need to know when early voting begins in your jurisdiction. We need as many people to take advantage of early voting as possible in order to avoid problems and long lines on election day.

So find out when early voting starts. I think the earliest starts at the end of September, early October. Find out when it is, make sure that you're planning to early vote, look online and make sure you know where your polling place is and that there haven't been any last minute polling place changes so that you can accommodate yourself to them.

So get out to early vote. If you're going to vote in person, either by early voting or even a vote on November 3rd. The other reason that you can't just get up and decide you're going to vote is that you gotta have PPE. You have to have a mask and you have to have gloves. So that means you have to prepare yourself and your family members to vote.

It's great if you're going to do it, but if your, if your grandma or your mom or your aunt is gonna vote in person, you want to make sure that that person who votes is voting safely. So everyone has to have a mask and gloves. I put out an appeal to black churches and I've asked them to take responsibility for PPE at in-person election sites. That no one should be entering the polling place because they don't have a mask or because they don't have gloves.

And so making sure that people are equipped and outfitted. Here's the last thing, the other way you have to prepare to vote is, we need people to be looking at the ballot at least a week before election day. And frankly, hopefully more so that you can educate yourself about the candidates. 

One of the other reasons we get long lines is not only because of machine malfunction, not only because of lack of allocation of enough polling places (particularly the African American and Latino polling sites), all of those failures may well happen. But what also happens is people are reading the ballot for the first time when they go. So they're reading the long constitutional amendment, right? They're reading the bond issue that's about supporting the local library or public pools or whatever it is, or they're trying to figure out which of these three candidates for judge they're going to pull the lever for.

And this year, we're really requiring people to take it a step further and to be ready to vote, to be really prepared to vote, which means you've looked at the sample ballot. You know what that constitutional amendment is asking, you know which way you're going to vote on it when you get into the booth. 

You know who the three judges are you’re going to pick. You know, who you're voting for the day. And we are insisting that people vote up and down the ballot, not just for the president, for every single office that's on that ballot. But that means we're being called again to a higher level of citizenship, in which we prepare ourselves to vote by educating ourselves about who's on the ballot before we get to the polling place, and having a plan for how we're going to vote so that we can get in and get out of there as quickly as possible during this pandemic. You don't want to be hanging out in the polling place, and you don't want to be spending all that time in the voting booth.

So all of this is what's necessary. The last thing I'll say, Joyce, is we need more poll workers. We need more poll workers and they need to be younger. In the Milwaukee primary earlier this year, one of the reasons that we had such long lines is because although Milwaukee would normally have 180 polling places, there were only five open.

There were only five open, largely because so many of the poll workers had called out and were not coming in. We can understand that, we're all used to most of our poll workers being elderly, being our seniors, but during the COVID-19 pandemic, when seniors are  particularly vulnerable to COVID infection, COVID death. We want to protect our seniors.

So we need to have more poll workers who are in their twenties or thirties or forties. You get paid to poll work that day, we need you to sign up. You can go to workelections.com, it's a great site: workelections.com and you can find your jurisdiction and how you can sign up to be trained to be a poll worker on election day.

Sometimes they call it election judge, if you ordered your ballot in Maryland, it will ask if you want to be an election judge. That's the same thing as a poll worker. We need more people to sign up to be poll workers so that more polling places can be open. And that also helps us not have long lines, get people in and out, and able to vote safe.

Jill Wine-Banks [00:35:18]: The other thing that gets people not to be in a long line is of course, absentee voting. And we have seen an unprecedented attack on the US postal service by this administration. And so I would like you to, if you could just briefly, I know we've taken a lot of your time and we are grateful because it's been a phenomenal discussion, but could you just address some of the issues that we're facing that are voter suppression efforts through attacks on the post office?

Sherrilyn Ifill [00:35:46]: It is unlike anything I've ever seen, the attacks on the United States postal service. And I kind of feel like I've seen a lot of voter suppression, so it's quite sobering and quite alarming. Like many of you, I've never seen a locked postal box. I haven't seen postal boxes lined up on trucks, the decision to get rid of 671 letter sorting machines.

And to engage in all of this activity, this so-called efficiency activity right in the lead up to the election, astonishing. And of course it comes in the midst of what has been essentially a campaign by the president of the United States over the past two months to discredit absentee voting. You suggest that there is something illegal about absentee voting to distort and present misinformation on social media, both Twitter and Facebook, about absentee voting to suggest that it's some kind of new innovation in voting as though it hasn't been with us for decades, and to suggest that it carries the patina of illegality, despite the fact that he himself — don't think he voted until he was 41 — but since he's been in voting has been voting absentee more often than not, as have many of the members his cabinet. 

So you first have this drum beat, this drum beat on social media to discredit absentee voting, and to talk about how this is going to quote unquote, ‘rig the election,’ and to talk about the ways in which we can't trust mail-in ballots and that we can't trust absentee ballots, and people are going to ballot harvest and all of these, this parade of horribles that the president has been rolling out without any evidence that there is any widespread voter fraud, even in the absentee context. Then suddenly we get a new postmaster general. We get very quickly the deputy who has been there for a very long time resigning, which was a sign.

And we get this incredible turnover in which the new postmaster general essentially purges those who have institutional experience, and begins a new set of measures that he describes, or that are described on his behalf, as being designed to produce efficiencies in the post office. 

We get the reduction in the letter-sorting machines, we get the reduction in the boxes, and then we hear from the post office itself that they want states to know that they may not be able to deliver ballots on time to meet the existing state election law deadlines. It is, it is absolutely astonishing. It is unconscionable. It is anti-democratic, the United States house will be having an oversight hearing on Monday on August 24th with the postmaster general. I hope that it will be asking piercing questions so that we can get information that we need.

I suspect there will be litigation and there already is some litigation coming from a variety of upfront about this. We've all been looking intensely at it, I spent most of my weekend, looking at it and we're just deeply concerned. Obviously we're concerned about people who are not receiving their medication on time, people whose social security checks, stimulus checks and others will be held up. Well, we are also very concerned about voting. 

Jill Wine-Banks [00:38:50]: Thank you, Sherrilyn. This has been a most amazing conversation, and we want to thank you and the NAACP Legal Defense Fund for all they do, to make sure that every vote counts and that everyone can vote. Thank you from all of us. 

Sherrilyn Ifill [00:39:06]: Thank you. It was, it really was just an absolute pleasure and honor to talk with all of you. 

Barbara McQuade [00:39:10]: Keep fighting for us, Sherrilyn!

Sherrilyn Ifill [00:39:12]: I will, I will. Keep speaking out, you guys, your voices are just so important and, and game-changing, and I've always said that that's the key is that it has to come from so many different levels of our profession, and people are hungry for knowledge and you all are out there every night, helping people understand and assess what they see. People have a great instinct for knowing what is right and what is wrong. And so many people since 2016, have known that like, all of these things are wrong, but they need to understand how and why.

And people want to have that information. There's a hunger for it. And I salute all of you for providing that information for people, and helping people understand that their instincts about what is wrong is fully backed up by the truth, by the law, by the practice, as you have known it.

Joyce Vance [00:39:56]: I cannot think of a better way to celebrate 100 years of women getting the right to vote than by having this conversation with the three of you. And we've spoken, of course, with our good friends, Vanita Gupta and Pam Karlan as well. I think women are the future of this country, and certainly when it comes to voting we fought hard, and clearly from these conversations, we're going to continue that fight.

Barbara McQuade [00:40:22]: Well, that's it for the show this week. Thank you so much Sherrilyn, and thanks to my fellow Sisters in Law for hosting this episode with me. I loved celebrating the hundred year anniversary of women's right to vote with my friends. And to everyone listening, don't forget to vote. Register for your absentee ballot and vote early in this critical election year. And I hope to see you next time for a future episode of Talking Feds. 

This episode was produced by Jennifer Bassett, with production assistance by Matt McArdle. Our editor is Justin Wright. Thanks to Harry Litman, the host of Talking Feds, for having us on the show. And of course, a very special thanks to the amazing Phillip Glass for his music.

MARRIED TO THE DON

Harry Litman [00:00:07]: Welcome to Talking Feds, a roundtable that brings together prominent former federal officials and special guests for a dynamic discussion of the most important political and legal topics of the day. I'm Harry Litman. 

Illegally commandeering the White House and the Washington mall, Donald Trump's Republican party this week rolled out a convention light on policy and heavy on apocalyptic rhetoric about the prospect of a Biden presidency. Trump family members and faithful alternated with culture warriors to serve up a series of dystopian claims about Biden, whose election they warned would mark the end of civil order, the abolition of the suburbs and the rationing of hamburgers.

The president himself closed out proceedings with a lengthy and oddly languid acceptance speech, in which he recycled a series of familiar fabrications and declared this election will decide whether we will defend the American way of life, or whether we allow a radical movement to completely dismantle and destroy it.

There followed a 4th of July style grand display of fireworks over the Washington monument for the 1500 guests — few of which were wearing masks —  on the White House south lawn. The convention week was marred by unrest in Kenosha, Wisconsin, after a video captured a police officer shooting an African-American man, Jacob Blake, seven times in the back at close range in front of his children.

Trump and Biden offered diametrically opposed reactions. Trump tweeting outrage at the looting and lawlessness and Biden disgust at the sight of “another black man shot by police in broad daylight,” and a 17 year old supporter of Trump crossed state lines with his AR-15 rifle to join the fray and shot and killed two of the protestors.

Bedlam and misery seemed to come from many corners in many forms. The virus daily death rate regularly eclipsed 1000 persons as the country overall approached 6 million cases and 200,000 deaths. The official report came out and showed the economy plunging at an annual rate of 31.7%. The sharpest quarterly drop on record, over 1 million Americans filed for unemployment benefits for the 22nd time in 23 weeks.

A record wave of evictions seemed imminent and unstoppable. And for good measure, one of the most powerful storms in US history laid waste to the southeast. To take stock of this baleful week and what it portends, we have a truly phenomenal group of guests. They're all first-timers to Talking Feds, and it's an honor to host each of them.

They are: Chris Hayes, the host of the Emmy award winning All In with Chris Hayes on MSNBC — for my money, the gold standard of cable shows — as well as a weekly MSNBC podcast, Why is this Happening? Chris is also editor-at-large of The Nation magazine and a prolific author of articles and books, including the New York Times-bestseller, Colony in a Nation.

Chris, thank you so much for joining Talking Feds.

Chris Hayes [00:03:33]: Great to be here. 

Harry Litman [00:03:35]: Congresswoman Pramila Jayapal is serving her second term in Congress representing Washington's seventh district. She's a leader, in particular, on immigration issues as a member of the House Judiciary Committee and vice chair of the Immigration subcommittee. 

Before coming to Congress, Congresswoman Jayapal was the founder and director of One America, one of the largest immigration advocacy organizations in the country. And like both of our other guests, she has authored two books: Pilgrimage to India: A Woman Revisits Her Homeland, and Use the Power You Have: a Brown Woman’s Guide to Politics and Political Change, published in June of this year. Congresswoman Jayapal, welcome to Talking Feds.

Congresswoman Jayapal [00:04:24]: Thank you. Wonderful to be with you. 

Harry Litman [00:04:26]: Finally, Jeff Toobin, the chief legal analyst at CNN as well as the staff writer and senior legal analyst at the New Yorker. Before that, Jeff served as an assistant United States attorney in Brooklyn, and as an associate counsel in the Office of Independent Counsel under Lawrence Walsh.

His eighth and latest book — unsurprisingly, a New York Times bestseller — is True Crimes and Misdemeanors: The Investigation of Donald Trump, just published this month. And you can hear a one-on-one discussion with me about the book on our Patreon site. Jeff, welcome 

Jeff Toobin [00:04:58]: Hi Harry. 

Harry Litman [00:05:00]: Alright. Hello, hello, hello, let's begin with the convention. Many speeches of course, with different tenors, but in some ways, after announcing that they were planning an “optimistic and upbeat convention,” I think the most memorable moments clearly were these dark dystopian mournings and not just by Trump, Pence and many others called Biden socialist, will fundamentally change the nation, law and order is on the ballot.

What does it say about who they were targeting to have such an emphasis on sort of dark and negative claims about Biden? What strategy do you perceive there? 

Chris Hayes [00:05:39]: Well I think that it's the same strategy that they've had the whole time. I mean, I actually thought that the convention was more targeted towards possible swing and persuadable voters than I anticipated.

It was still very base-heavy, but someone noted there were more African-American speakers that have served in the top levels of the administration, which was notable to me. They were trying to talk to voters not already in the fold, to an extent I thought more than I anticipated. But the basic idea, which is like, you know, I thought that the first speech, which was, ‘he's the bodyguard for western civilization,’ with all the fraught meaning of what that is, it's like, this is it.

It's the mob, and you know what the mob means and what color they are and what background they come from. And the parts of the state that they live in, if you're talking about a certain state, versus you. And the you there is also heavily overdetermined when it's used on that stage.

And that's it, the mob versus you, they're going to come and get you. They, they, they, they, it's a very old American tradition, it's been very effective at certain moments. They, they do the kind of, I think one of the coarsest versions of it, it's, it's, it's largely unleavened by any kind of rhetorical deafness.

But, the demographic fact is that white voters without a college degree, a four year college degree, aren't remarkably distributed throughout America and remarkably overrepresented in the States that are the path to electoral victory. And they think that message is the way to get them back in the fold.

Particularly the marginal ones they've lost for the 3 to 4% they need to be within spitting distance if they cheat. 

Harry Litman [00:07:06]: Well, let me ask that because, couple of questions that Chris brings up. The first is, there are echoes here of say Nixon in 1968, even Wallace, but is this really within the tradition of American political rhetoric, or in its darkness, did it go a little farther?

And second, you talk about the three or 4%, but I would have thought that the focus was be on the sort of 12 or 14% after the really hardcore base that, you might summarize them as suburban women voters who seem to have left the fold. But I was struck that at just how much he was speaking to people that if they're not locked up now, he's lost anyway.

Congresswoman Jayapal [00:07:50]: Well for me, I think I definitely saw those two visions. One was directly to the base as Chris was talking about. That was clear. We knew that was going to happen. I think that there were these appeals at the white suburban women. You saw it with a number of women speakers that were scattered throughout, particularly on day one, but also on the last night.

Even if they were family members, these were all targeted white women to sort of deliver a slightly softer message. Certainly Melania Trump's message was directed at those white women. What I think though, is that it's almost impossible to reconcile those two things. Those two messages were completely different.

And so, I think it's incredibly difficult to have such a hard-hitting message to your base, but then to sort of throw in a little bit of fluff so that you try to get a few voters. It was a very, in my mind, not a very good attempt to try to convince those women to come along. And so at the end of the day, the question really is: those women, will they agree with the absolute lies that were painted, whether it's around COVID-19 — ‘there is no problem here don't you all know, we've already tackled COVID here there is no health pandemic, even though we're approaching, 6 million cases and, and 182,000 deaths today.’

But also these other issues of safety, I mean, to me it felt like this unbridled racism, xenophobia that we've seen throughout the campaign, but sort of at a new level. I mean, I'm thinking KKK in 1924, this real attempt to demarcate the future of the country as a white country versus everything else country.

And of course, our progressive cities like Seattle and other places were the full targets of that. So, is it effective? Really hard to know, but I think that women have been turned off of a lot of things. It's not that they agree with progressives or Democrats on everything, but I do think that there is this yearning for a return to stability that Trump does not provide. He may try to fearmonger and do all of those things, but he's not providing any return to stability.

Everyone knows it's chaos everywhere. It was effective in targeting his base, I'm not sure it was that effective in targeting the people they need to. 

Jeff Toobin [00:10:19]: I was struck more by the pictures and the words, and especially last night.

Putting a thousand people in close proximity to each other, the vast majority of whom not wearing masks. I mean, what country are these people in? I mean, I just, are they all supporting Donald Trump that much, that they are willing to die for him? 

Harry Litman [00:10:39]: “Virus? What Virus?”

Chris Hayes [00:10:40]: That’s how you show your loyalty, Jeff!

Jeff Toobin [00:10:43]: I guess, but I mean — you know, after 2016, I'm kind of out of the prediction business and out of like, you know, what suburban women, I don't know what anybody's gonna vote for, who they're going to vote for, but that picture to me struck me as a kind of mass insanity. What does that tell you about a political party that would put a thousand people — many of them on the older side — next to each other? No, not even the pretense of social distancing, with no masks? And that to me was the overwhelming message, regardless of what anybody said. 

Chris Hayes [00:11:14]: You know, Thom Tillis got in trouble today, I thought it was so fascinating. So Tillis is there. He's not wearing a mask because obviously the cost of entry to that, the cost of loyalty is that you have to pretend COVID has gone. Ergo, you can't wear a mask because if you wear a mask, it reminds people that there's a deadly pandemic. So Thom Tillis goes and doesn't wear a mask.

And then he got, he got heat from local reporters today, because he's been telling people in North Carolina, ‘you got to wear a mask’. And he issued a statement saying, ‘I fell short of my own standard.’ So, he's in a contested race in North Carolina, which is interesting. That is an overlooked race, I didn't have as a top tier race.

He's been pulling consistently behind Cunningham who’s running against him. And to me, it just — Jeff, to your point, it's like, they keep thinking that they can just ignore it and it'll go away. And the craziest thing is, I looked back over the approval rating because one of the stories of the Trump era, to the congresswoman's point about people tuning him out, is that his approval rating has been remarkably steady to, to a shocking degree. I mean, if you went back and said, if you told me in January 200,000 Americans are going to die,and we’re going to enter into a great recession level crisis, and his approval rating will be the same. I would have been like, what? But, that's what happened.

And there's two ways to look at that. One is, he's near the bottom already. 42%, Hoover won 39 points, 75% of the vote in 1932, won 40% of the vote in 1932, the most iconic example of overseeing a catastrophe for an incumbent. So, 40% is basically the floor anyway, and he's been hovering around there for the entire presidency.

Right? So, there's a certain stability baked in, but the highest level that he ever pulled, his best polling were the two weeks in April where he pretended to take the COVID seriously. When he came out, and they had the projections about there's be 200,000 dead and we have to do this, and this is the right thing to do.

And he performed seriousness about COVID, and it was the best he's ever been in the polls. And then they're just like, and I agree with you, Jeff. I thought the image last night was just like, whatever they say, they're telling you, it's done. It's over. Well, and people know it's not over. I can't go to a funeral. I kept — my brother's wedding was supposed to be last week. We’re not having the wedding, like, I know it’s not over! Everyone knows it’s not over!

Harry Litman [00:13:10]: You know what, there were other gestures in that direction. I mean, in some ways they were offensive in the extreme, cause they were the, they were the complete opposite of the kind of president he's been. But the naturalization ceremony, I mean, there were a few moments of trying to be the softer tenor of Donald Trump, but I think the congresswoman's point is really salient. If you do both, what's going to emerge both in the headlines and be most memorable are these dark dystopian claims about the other guys. So in some ways that just gets sort of washed over. What about the general absence of substance. Am I, am I being too harsh on them? I mean, it really, you know, they have no platform.

Peter Baker in the New York Times asked Trump, ‘what are you running for in 2020?’ He says, ‘I think we'd have a very solid, uh, we'd continue. We'd solidify what we've done. We have other things on our plates.’ They did in 2016, at least talk immigration or abortion or judges. Whether it was the nice Donald Trump or the nasty, apocalyptic prophet of doom, what was missing were any sort of policy proposals, no?

Congresswoman Jayapal [00:14:17]: I don't know. I mean, I think their policy proposals are pretty clear. Let’s get rid of all immigrants, you know, let's cut taxes even though they don't say for the wealthiest. That's of course what it is, but people seem to believe that somehow they're going to remake the economy.

It's the one area where Trump still has a bit of an advantage, but the biggest policy proposal is, ‘I'm going to save you. I'm your savior. I'm going to save you from everything bad in the world.’ And all we need to do is paint these bad pictures, but you know, one of the things I was struck by was also who the Republican party is openly embracing.

So not just who was at the convention, but when Anne Coulter says, ‘Hey, I want this guy who shot people in Wisconsin to be my president.’ And people start defending him on Fox News, it is really stunning, right? It is really, really… it's so painful to watch because, there used to be even if there were differences between Republicans and Democrats, and I would argue that in the past, the old kinds of Republicans were actually better than some of the most conservative Democrats, right? There was a real overlap in politics.

Harry Litman [00:15:24]: For sure, it's only now for the first time that every Republican is right of every Democrat.

Congresswoman Jayapal [00:15:29]: That's right, but when, when Jeffrey said, you know, these people are, I forget how you said it, Jeffrey, but I'm reminded of one of my Republican colleagues who said to me, who's a very conservative Republican who said, ‘Pramila, my constituents are telling me that if Donald Trump says jump off a cliff, I should go jump off the cliff, even if it means I'm going to die.’ So, I mean, that is how they are acting.

Jeff Toobin [00:15:50]: Harry, I don't actually think the absence of a platform… I mean, it's weird because political parties have platforms but I think I know what Donald Trump is going to do if he gets reelected. I, and I think most voters do. I know who's going to be on the Supreme Court if Ruth Ginsburg and Stephen Brier are replaced. So I, I don't think that there's some mystery. I think there are certain areas that are problematic in that air. For example, I guess I have a particular obsession with this pre-existing condition thing, the way they are filing a lawsuit to get rid of protection for preexisting conditions. And they keep saying we're going to protect pre-existing conditions. I mean, I think the lying there is more egregious than in most areas, but I don't think there is a lot of mystery about what Donald Trump stands for or what kind of presidency this would be.

Chris Hayes [00:16:34]: I think that's true. But I also do think that there's a weird lacuna around the domestic legislative policy agenda, which has been fascinating because basically they come in and they, first they they have two bites of the apple of big domestic legislative policy.

One is something that Donald Trump clearly doesn't care about, but has to be done because of the coalitional imperatives, which is repeal Obamacare. It was present in Donald Trump's pitch, but It wasn't what made him stand out. I think we would all agree, right? But that's where the coalition is at, and they have to do it, and they take one run at it and fail, they take another run at it, they fail. 

Then it's the one policy, the domestic policy agenda that brings the Republican coalition together in literally every presidency since Ronald Reagan, which are tax cuts for the top margin of people in corporations. And they push that through in December, 2017, right before it passes, Trump's at one of his lowest approval ratings ever, around 38 or 39%. And then they're done. They're out. They haven't done anything. They have no ideas left. There is no big legislation they want to push.

They want to get judges. They want judges, and that's what Mitch McConnell has done. In fact, part of the reason there's a relationship between the two, Mitch McConnell spends no time legislating, which frees up time to confirm judges. Like, Mitch McConnell's unburdened by the fact that there's no big piece of legislation Mitch McConnell wants to pass. 

He wants to pass the approach bills to keep the government funded when he can. And he wants to get judges in. There is no domestic legislative agenda for the modern Republican party. There is an agenda. There's a policy agenda, there's things they want to do. They've basically shut down all immigration into this country.

Legal — not just unauthorized — authorized immigration has essentially been, the spigots have been turned off. They want to warp the state in certain ways at a regulatory level, but in terms of like, a signature bill, like you couldn't, I have no idea what the signature legislation of a Donald Trump — let's say he won the House and Senate, let's say they had the trifecta again. Could not tell you. I mean, it would be tax cuts, is the answer, because that’s always what it is.

Congresswoman Jayapal [00:18:28]: It’s economic. It’s all the economic pieces.

Jeff Toobin [00:18:30]: Tax cuts, yeah. But I think that’s what it’ll be again.

Harry Litman [00:18:33]: That's what I meant to say that this cult of personality, ‘the wolf is at the door and I'll save you,’ is basically the whole pitch. It's to the exclusion of everything else. Dark days, civilization is going down, I'm sent by God to save you. That's all I got to say, basically they gamble that that's enough. 

Chris Hayes [00:18:51]: What's funny about him too, as a performer, Trump is that like his evident interest in all this stuff. It's so obvious when he’s into it and when he’s not. He's into it when he's like, when he's talking about the thugs and when he's talking about how the toilets can't flush your bowel movements and, you know, everyone hates that. He loves that, but when he's like the right to try stuff, it's like watching a parent reading a child book for the thousandth time when they're trying to get to bed.

Harry Litman [00:19:15]: When he's reading anything, that's why it was languid. He actually read the speech.

Chris Hayes [00:19:18]: And all that’s — they don’t care! He doesn’t care!

Congresswoman Jayapal [00:19:21]: Or even when he was talking to the people in the White House, you could just see, he was trying so hard to be empathetic, but he had to ask the janitor, ‘what does that actually mean to be a custodian? What is it that you actually do?’ It was, it was very difficult. It was very difficult to watch the naturalization ceremony, given everything he has done.

And Chris is exactly right. I mean, I think the genius of this is that the Trump administration sort of made it sound like they're just about undocumented immigrants and people coming over the borders, but that was never the idea. It was always to shut down legal immigration as we know it and keep America white. No need to have immigrants from Africa or Asia or Latin America come in. It's not about whether you've come in legally, it's really no interest whatsoever in affirming the identity of America as a nation of immigrants. However flawed that may be in terms of who we've excluded and included and how people came over, but at least other Republican presidents have actually affirmed the identity of America as a nation of immigrants.

That has never been the case with Donald Trump. And so to have him put on a naturalization ceremony in the White House during a presidential campaign and film it for political reasons. It was just incredibly painful to watch.

Harry Litman [00:20:37]: With two of the new citizens not even knowing that they were being filmed for this photo op.

Jeff Toobin [00:20:42]: One thing I thought was interesting this week was about the chamber of commerce, which is sort of the traditional bailiwick of establishment Republicans, showing real signs of discomfort with the Trump agenda. And I think immigration is one area where the corporate Republican party has always been about, ow you can argue that their motives aren't exactly pure, but for whatever reason they believe in immigration, whether it's to get engineers into Amazon in your, in your district, or to get people to make the beds in Marriotts, they want immigration you're right. I did a profile of Tom Cotton early in the administration, and I was struck by how central the cutting of legal immigration was to his worldview. I mean, I, you know, we all know about the wall and illegal immigration, but legal immigration too is, is, is obviously a big target.

Congresswoman Jayapal [00:21:33]: But the interesting thing about that is that the polling on immigration, for as much as Trump has attacked it, is actually stronger than it's ever been in part because immigrants now are scattered across rural districts.

And farmers need immigrants, right? They're essential to the food supply chain. They're essential to a whole bunch of different places. And to big corporations, let's be really clear, like the chamber reversed their position, just like the AFL CIO did, by the way, the AFL CIO was anti-immigrant until 2000. And that was the time when the AFL CIO reversed its position and became very much a proponent of comprehensive reform.

But that was around similar times, maybe 10 years later, that the chamber officially came on board and was with us every step of the way as we started to push for immigration reform, not just guest workers, but a path to citizenship and legalization. Now, they don't want those workers to have power, let's be really clear. But they do want the workers to be here, and so that is very important to the business angle of how to grow the economy and how to grow their businesses, even if we don't agree on what rights those workers should have. But you look at egg jobs, we passed a really good egg jobs bill with Republican support in the house.

It should be one of the first things that passes if we have a Biden administration, because there are a lot of Republicans who want to see immigration get resolved. 

Chris Hayes [00:22:55]: The immigration point relates back to sort of where all of this started, which is the darkness and the sort of dystopia and the idea. Like, the central thing animating Trumpism and politics is, is, you know, this is everyone says it, right? Fear of demographic change, but more, more importantly that you have fundamentally a minoritarian political movement that has majority state power, and knows at some level that that's a disequilibrium that's going to be hard to maintain. And six out of the last seven presidential elections the Democrat has gotten more votes. They have only gotten to be president four of those seven times, and no one almost no one thinks that Trump would win more votes this time either. That would be, if he loses the popular vote again, that's the worst run for any party since 1820 when Jackson founds the Democratic party. And Mitch McConnell was very explicit about this in his very brief appearance when he talked about DC statehood, where he said, they'll have two more liberal senators and we'll never be able to control anything. They understand they're a minority of the country.

They understand that they have managed to pull off this trick in which, from behind a minority barricade, they're running the whole enterprise. And that is absolutely unsustainable. It's unsustainable from a democratic legitimacy standpoint, it's unsustainable at a constitutional level. Like, the whole thing's gonna blow up at a certain point.

I think we're facing the worst legitimacy crisis since the secession crisis. If we have another split between the electoral college and the popular vote this time around. But that view that we are never going to be able to have a majority of this country again, is what drives all of it. It’s what drives Cotton on immigration. It's what's driving all of the messaging from Trump the Republican.

Harry Litman [00:24:25]: Or at least to try to have four more years of it. Nate Silver, who now keeps me up at night and I go harken to 2016, puts it at 10% now this exact split coming up. I want to move a little bit to the Hatch Act, which is one of six things this week that could be topics in themselves. But it was stunning, the Congresswoman or all of us could say just how seriously it's taken. You can't make a phone call, a political phone call from your office. And this was like the communist party in red square, just a complete identification of the core symbols and property of the government with the president.

We're here, and they're not.  In some ways the core statement of the whole convention. Now they're gambling, Chief of Staff Meadows who actually cared about it when he was in Congress is saying, ‘eh, nobody cares about this stuff.’ And people are not sophisticated on the ins and outs of the hatch act, but is it really accurate you think? Their calculation that people are indifferent to seeing such a political overlay to the Washington monument, the South lawn, is that something that is likely to backfire?

Congresswoman Jayapal [00:25:32]: I don't think we should talk about it as the Hatch Act when we're talking about it in public, because no one other than us and the people who follow it, know what the Hatch Act is. And the reality is that the Hatch Act has very few teeth. I mean, it's not, everyone used to follow it because it was the norm and the convention, but enforceability is not so great. And so we really need to redo the Hatch Act, is my belief, so that it actually has some teeth. 

But I think we should talk about it the way you said it, which is about the symbols being for everybody, right? The symbol of the White House, a president for everybody, Mike Pompeo, Secretary of State is supposed to be the secretary of state for everybody. I think those are the terms in which we have to explain this because I don't think people are necessarily comfortable with it, but I also don't think they know why they're not comfortable with it.

And so I think we have to explain that, and give people a place to recognize the corruption of the administration and the self-dealings of the administration and the utilization of every lever of power in the administration for them and not for the people. That's the way I think we’ve got to get at it. 

Harry Litman [00:26:37]: I mean, it is of a piece with the way they've governed. I think of your hearing last week, Congresswoman, and the revelations about the USPS or what we just learned about this CBC. I mean, it's the general theme of whatever policy there is being subordinated to crass political calculations. It’s always part of the equation but not to the exclusion of everything else.

Congresswoman Jayapal [00:27:00]: Corruption. That’s right. corruption of power and using it for personal gain rather than for the country. I mean, I think that's gotta be the way we tie it. 

Jeff Toobin [00:27:08]: Put me down as skeptical that this is a major issue at all, frankly. I mean, I think every incumbent president that runs for reelection has photographs in the White House and the power of incumbency and they used to call it the Rose Garden strategy for a reason.

I mean, I think, there are so many other issues that affect people's lives more, like, you know, the fact that 180,000 people are dead. The fact that this was held at the White House, I mean, I just. You know, yes I understand there was a violation of the Hatch Act, but I, it doesn't move me a great deal.

Chris Hayes [00:27:40]: I agree with that, in the sense of like even the Hatch Act itself, like there's a little bit of like the question of whether you can take the politics out of politics, but the bigger thing to me is just the people keep talking about this sort of, associating the leader with the state, and the kind of authoritarian. But there's also an American precedent here, which is the construction of one-party machine enterprises.

There's been a lot of those. I mean obviously the, the totalitarian regime of the Southern Democrats in Jim Crow South was a one party regime that functioned through white nationalism, explicit manipulation of law, and a spoil system in which the state and the party were essentially the same thing.

Also we've seen in the daily machine in Chicago, in which essentially the way you construct a one-party machine apparatus is that you use the state's mechanisms to the benefit of the party that's controlling it. And the incumbency advantage slides from an incumbency advantage to something that's anti-democratic and makes it impossible to have free and fair elections. 

And that's what we're seeing, right? I mean, there's this concept that one foreign policy writer talks about, about having — about the idea of free, but unfair elections, which is increasingly what you see in a place like Turkey, right? Where it's like they have elections and like, the other party's allowed to run and they can take ads out, but they're not fair elections.

There's a fundamental unfairness that's because state brings its power down, to put it’s thumb on the scale, and that's what we're seeing. And that's the through line, that's what impeachment was all about, right? I mean, it's the use of the power of the state to essentially subvert the administration of free and fair elections, to move from an incumbency advantage, which is like on this side of the line of democracy, to a more authoritarian or machine driven model, which is on the other side of the line.

And that to me was what was so notable about last night, which I agree with Jeff at some level it's like there's a hundred thousand people dead, 180,000 people dead, like, Trump 2020, or the Washington monument’s like the least of my concern. But it's symbolic of something much deeper and much more dangerous in terms of this sort of twinning of the state function. And I'll just bring up this story that Ryan Riley had in HuffPo, which is the civil rights division of the DOJ, sending notices of investigation to a bunch of democratic governors about their management of nursing home populations during the epidemic in ways that DOJ civil rights division people say stinks to high heaven, is very clearly like a politically-motivated investigation, and that stuff is super dangerous.

Jeff Toobin [00:30:02]: And, and, just very quickly the Durham report when it comes out, will be another example. 

Congresswoman Jayapal [00:30:09]: But that's why I think that what they do is unfortunately brilliant in some ways, because there are so many things coming at us that we say, we make this tiering, right? We say, ‘we're not going to pay attention to this one because this one is so much more important.

This one is so much more egregious.’ And what I have seen through the judiciary committee and other committees on which I sit, is that there are a million of these small cuts that are not so small at all, and that really are about using levers of power in ways that you are not supposed to do in order to maintain control. Which is why I say, if we're going to talk about the Hatch Act, I don't think we should talk about the Hatch Act.

We should talk about corruption, and we should talk about the overtaking of political power in the ways that you talked about, Chris, but also tying it to the USPS, right? I mean, if somebody said 10 years ago, the way that Donald Trump or some dictator is going to win his next term is by taking out sorting machines in the postal service, everyone would have gone, ‘Oh, let's not waste time on that.’

Right? But look at what's happening. So, I really think like, this is the challenge when people say to me, well, you know that one's not that important. My only — I agree on some level, but my only caution is that if we allow any of these things to be normalized, they lay the path towards fascism to happen much more quickly.

I mean, the road to fascism is littered with moments where people didn't speak up or stand up against things that seemed small at the time. And they turned out to be parts of a much bigger plan. And I think Donald Trump has a lot of those things in play. 

Harry Litman [00:31:40]: I totally agree. And I don't think it's unduly alarmist, there's a consensus here, but it's an interesting one because on the one hand, I think all of us see like a very deep symbolic representative moment in the fireworks over the Washington monument that's grave. But I also detect mostly everyone thinking, ‘yeah. But he's going to get away with this kind of thing clean.’ This tracing to broader principle will not be a part at least of the political dynamic in the six swing States that we're thinking about it. He’s here, they’re not.

Congresswoman Jayapal [00:32:16]:  I don't think we should think about it as getting away with it clean. I think we should think about it as, how do we build the narrative of what this means to a much bigger narrative. In and of itself, I completely agree. But how do we, even if it's not our focus, how do we use it as an example of exactly what it does mean? I think that's what Americans care about. That's what my constituents, and when I'm on zoom calls across the country, are talking to me about, is the multiple ways in which Donald Trump is taking this country towards dictatorship. That's really the concern here. And that's what we have to build the story and narrative around. 

Chris Hayes [00:32:54]: First of all, I think there's a fascinating way in which that image of the Trump on the White House last night, like, it felt dystopian. It felt like it was out of a bad movie about some awful future.

But it also like, awakened a certain deep civic religion in me where I was like, ‘this is sacrilege. 

Harry Litman [00:33:09]: Exactly! You can’t do that!

Chris Hayes [00:33:11]: I feel like I'm watching something wrong, very deeply wrong, like viscerally wrong. And I think that's, that's not a bad thing to keep in people's consciousness, this sort of, the defilement, but I also think that there's a little bit of, like elite Lincoln Project de-fetishization of how deep that civic religion stuff is, that I don't think has a ton of truck with a lot of marginal voters. It doesn't mean it's not important, it's just like, there is a certain kind of elite conversation you hear about this stuff that can start to feel a little detached from what I think is more animating. 

Harry Litman [00:33:46]: All right. I wanna leave some time for Kenosha, and let’s move now to our Sidebar, which is an excellent transition to Kenosha. It is about the federal role in regulation of guns and firearms, and we’re really fortunate to have none other than Coach Steve Kerr to describe it to us. Kerr was a great NBA player of course, one of the top three-point shooters in the league. He hit 50% of his threes 4 times in his career, and has had an incredibly distinguished career since as a coach with the Warriors in particular, who he started coaching in 2014, and has led to 5 straight NBA finals. He’s going to discuss firearm regulation and the Kyle Rittenhouse assault in Kenosha is really a textbook example of the need for greater regulation, including at the federal level. So here is Steve Kerr.

Steve Kerr [00:34:49]:  Every day, 300 people are shot in the United States, and over 100 people are killed. Americans own twice as many guns per capita as any other country, and our homicide rates are at least 25 times greater than those of other developed nations. Since 1968, more Americans have died from gunshots than have died in combat in all the wars in American history combined. The second amendment confers your right to bear arms, but the Supreme Court and other courts have made clear that while a complete ban on private gun ownership is unconstitutional, the state and federal governments clearly have authority to enact far broader regulations of the sale, possession, and use of guns. 

The federal government already plays a major role in regulating firearm sales and possession. It places rules and restrictions on gun dealers, outlaws certain kinds of firearms (such as assault weapons), mandates background checks, and prevents certain people from buying and owning guns. Regulatory control of firearm sales allows federal law enforcement to bring special resources to bear in investigating crimes, including ballistic analysis. Where enforcement is concerned, federal criminal law imposes long sentences for certain crimes committed with guns, and makes it illegal to buy a gun to pass onto someone who isn’t eligible to own it. 

Some joint federal-state programs have achieved dramatic reductions in gun violence in individual communities. These programs typically combine a sharp focus on the most likely violent criminals with community intervention strategies to counter the root causes of violence. But so much more could be done. Recent years have seen repeated efforts to pass firearms restrictions in the wake of tragic incidents such as the February 2018 shooting that killed 17 people at Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Florida. Polls consistently show that the public wants such measures, but more often than not, efforts to put in place common sense restrictions die on the vine due to immense lobbying pressure from the NRA.

 There are also serious challenges on the horizon: one is the manufacture of so-called ‘ghost guns.’ In other words, homemade guns with no serial numbers, assembled with do-it-yourself kits readily available on the internet. The other is 3D guns, which can now be manufactured at home on a 3D printer using open-source blueprints. Organizations like The Brady Campaign, to which both Harry Litman and I belong, are working to achieve common sense gun control measures. These include extending background checks to every gun sale and transfer, expanding the categories of persons banned from owning guns — for example, hate crimes perpetrators — banning military-style assault rifles and high-capacity magazines, and extending existing laws to reach 3D-printed firearms and ghost guns. For Talking Feds, I’m Steve Kerr.

Harry Litman [00:37:46]: Thanks very much, Coach Steve Kerr. You can hear him talking broader thoughts on social justice, including the decision of the NBA players in response to the Kenosha shooting, to postpone the playoffs, and their other efforts with respect to the election in a current podcast of Andy Slavitt, In the Bubble.

All right. But obviously it's completely germane to what happens in Kenosha. We have the shooting in the back of a African-American seven times in front of his children and it seemed to kind of, unlike the Floyd case in Minneapolis, which everyone, Rudy Giuliani at the convention, were quick to condemn.

This seemed a kind of Rorschach test, where Biden and others came out and expressed disgust, but Trump for instance, didn't mention Blake in talking about Kenosha, and there's even a sense in which this 17 year old radical is being quietly championed by Tucker Carlson and some folks among the Trump base, and he's going to go to trial on first degree murder. So it's going to be quite the royal trial and quite a lot of attention, how did the whole episode strike you? 

Congresswoman Jayapal [00:39:05]: Well, I just think it was horrific. I mean, the whole scene was horrific on so many different levels. You've got a black man who's unarmed, kids in the car, and is shot seven times in the back. In the back, when there's three officers there. And then you have, a white, essentially militia man who comes over the border from Illinois, and is armed and kills, and actually is about to surrender to law enforcement and they go right by him. They go right by him. They don’t even go up and arrest him. And so I think for me, somebody who's worked on racial justice issues for 25 years now. I look at the murder of George Floyd and sort of an awakening of a lot of parts of America to something that other parts of America have known for such a long time.

And then the backing off, and even the conversation now around law enforcement that is about how do you protect a system that has protected some, and some feel very comfortable with, but others know that they have to run in the opposite direction. And I just hope that this conversation is going to be one of the hardest ones that we have to take on.

There are three supremacies I believe the United States has to deal with: white supremacy and anti-blackness, corporate supremacy, and individual supremacy. And if we don't attack all three of those, we are not going to be able to move forward, but certainly this one in particular puts us at the center of a conversation that is part of our founding that we have never dealt with.

And we won't, unless we are willing to actually talk about a process that allows us to dwell in what happened and how institutions were created, that's going to be a very — as we're seeing — a very difficult thing, because it makes a lot of people very, very uncomfortable. 

Harry Litman [00:40:56]: What about, you know, so Biden actually comes out and more or less blames Trump for it, is that over the top? 

Congresswoman Jayapal [00:41:03]: I don't think so. I mean, I think I had a tweet that equated what happened in Texas, right? When Trump unleashes his waves of racism and xenophobia, and a guy drives across the country to Texas and goes into a Walmart and starts shooting people up. Latinos. And now you've got this.

I mean, I think that you have to tie these things together because there is a power of the bully pulpit and the presidency that Trump has utilized to unleash forces that have been existent in our country and our world for a long time, but they've never been given this kind of space and time and energy and validation.

And therefore, he is responsible, in my mind, for many of these things that have happened. And in many cases, the people that commit these crimes actually use the same words that he has used, and have even in some cases like in Texas have a manifesto that is very much part and parcel of the Republican agenda.

Chris Hayes [00:42:02]: I would say one thing too, about all of this, which is just, how central guns and gun fetishism and gun culture is to this entire kind of conversation we're having. They kept doing this very insidious thing, the Republican party talking about the chaos and violence we're seeing on the streets.

And it's true. There has been, there are people who've been beaten up by people who are taking part in the protest or, or are adjacent to them. There have been stores that have been broken into, there's been property damage and fires, all of that's happened. I think all that's bad,  I think that politicians condemning that as good and they should continue to do that. 

The most egregious acts of violence have been committed by right wing, essentially accelerationist interlopers, militia members. And, thank God that the black lives matter protests are being undertaken by the one coalition in American politics that doesn't come armed to protest every time.

Think about the scene we saw in the Michigan state house, where you had masked gunmen with long guns, menacing members of the legislature inside the state Capitol, from a balcony, looking down on them. And think about this 17-year old showing up with his long gun at a protest. There’s these two ideas in the right wing imagination, one is Order Uber Alles, and the other is the second amendment exists to deny the state a monopoly on violence, and to give people the right to take it into their own hands. And those are incommensurable views, people with guns running around is disorder. And that is what you're seeing.

And that is what's so scary to me, honestly. That is what makes me feel very worried. It makes me feel worried about what the tea party movement of the Biden era, should he win, is gonna look like. And I think it's going to look a lot like that Michigan state house at a massive scale.

Congresswoman Jayapal [00:43:40]: I think there's a third, which is that the treatment of those that are protesting is different. That was obviously my line of questioning of Bill Barr during the judiciary committee; this is how you treat the Michigan protesters who are armed and with Confederate flags. And this is how you treat protesters for black lives matter.

And he was very uncomfortable with that. I just think that is the third piece of this. It's also how those two things are treated. 

Jeff Toobin [00:44:06]: When Ronald Reagan was governor of California, there was a famous incident where the Black Panthers came with rifles into the California state house.

And Ron Reagan supported gun control for a while as a result of that. And you're right, I mean, one of the fundamental distinctions of these past several months has been black lives matter is unarmed, and these militia type protests are armed. And I believe Congresswoman, you mentioned that unforgettable video of Rittenhouse trying to surrender, and the picture I had in my mind was, suppose there was a black guy there with an AK-47. You know, how long do you think he would have been standing?  But the idea that it the police would ignore a guy — a kid, standing with an AK-47 is so insane to me. The fact that white militia protesters with guns is something that is, like, accepted in large parts of the country, it’s scary.

Harry Litman [00:45:00]: I mean, there's always the social media to go to. And when you go to this, kid's, he's got the AR-15 — which the NRA, by the way, calls America's rifle — but there's all this stuff, we see the picture of him in the front row of the Trump rally. He's look, he's a radical. And he's, he's radicalized, but if he were radicalized in favor of jihad, whatever, would be, there wouldn't be a, a divergence of views, but at the least when it's something like him, there's uncomfortable silence at best.

And then, I think people like Tucker Carlson were basically championing him and his thoughts about vigilantism.

Chris Hayes [00:45:36]: Let me, let me say one last thing on this. I grew up in New York City in the 1980s, and there was a very famous case of a man named Bernie Goetz, who was a white man who shot several black teenagers who approached him on the subway, who he thought were, he claimed, were attempting to mug him. And that's the fire in which Trump's politics were baked.

That moment, the certain kind of right-wing reaction of dangerous New York, eighties politics is the core of Donald Trump's sensibility. Outer-borough white people scared of black people, and crime and disorder in the city of New York, and the guardian angels, and Bernie Goetz and the Crown Heights riots, and the central park jogger, like that is the, the stuff out of which Trumpism is created. 

Jeff Toobin [00:46:18]: And, the mayoralty of Rudy Giuliani was created out of that, and the tie between Giuliani and Trump last night was, is only the latest example of the connection between the two.

Congresswoman Jayapal [00:46:30]: At the end of the day, I think the bigger question here is going to be, I think there was a set of norms that were expected of political leaders and even in the framing of the Constitution, I think there was an expectation that a party would not just go along with the dictator, that it would actually challenge somebody who was abusing power, corrupting power. 

And I really do think we have to — and maybe this is because of my focus on judiciary — we have to think about all the ways in which we've got to strengthen our ability to hold people accountable once we have, once Trump is out, if Trump is out of the white house, because I do think that there are many, many gaps that have been highlighted with this administration who has no interest in political norms or conventions or anything else, and many of the restraints we have take tremendous amounts of time, and rely on a party not just following somebody over the cliff. And, and I know some of us on judiciary are trying to figure out all the time what those improvements need to be. 

Harry Litman [00:47:35]: Thank you very much to Chris Hayes, Congresswoman Pramila Jayapal, and Jeff Toobin. And thank you very much, listeners, for tuning in to Talking Feds. If you like what you’ve heard, please tell a friend to subscribe to us on Apple Podcasts, or wherever they get their podcasts, and please take a moment to rate and review this podcast. You can follow us on Twitter @talkingfedspod , to find out about future episodes and other Feds-related content. You can check us out on the web, TalkingFeds.com , where we have full episode transcripts, and you can look to see our latest offerings on Patreon, where we post discussions about special topics exclusively for supporters. Submit your questions to questions@talkingfeds.com , whether it’s for Five Words or Fewer, or general questions about the inner-workings of the legal system for our Sidebar segments. Thanks for tuning in, and don’t worry: as long as you need answers, the Feds will keep talking.

Talking Feds is produced by Jennifer Bassett and Rebecca Lowe-Patton. Our editor is Justin Wright. David Lieberman and Rosie Don-Griffin are our contributing writers. Production assistance by Matt McArdle. Our consulting producer is Andrea Carla-Michaels. Thanks very much to Coach Steve Kerr for explaining federal laws and programs to regulate firearms. And our gratitude as always to the amazing Phillip Glass, who graciously lets us use his music. Talking Feds is a production of Doledo, LLC. I’m Harry Litman, see you next time.

CONVENTIONAL WISDOM: IT IS WHAT IT IS

Harry Litman [00:00:00]: Hey everybody, Harry here. Just a quick note on what you can find this week on our Patreon site, at patreon.com/talkingfeds: we’ll complete our summer virtual book series talking to John Dean, former White House Counsel and the author of The Authoritarian Nightmare. We’ll also have one-on-one discussions with Jennifer Rodgers on the Clinesmith case, and with Steve Vladeck on the president’s announced plan to post sheriffs at polling places across the country. Ok, check those out, and now here’s this week’s episode about the Democratic Party’s convention and so much more, with a stellar group of three Feds.

Welcome to Talking Feds, a round table that brings together prominent former federal officials and special guests for a dynamic discussion of the most important political and legal topics of the day. I'm Harry Litman. The Democrats held their virtual coming-out party for Joe Biden and Kamala Harris, who accepted their nominations in speeches at solitary lecterns in empty halls.

The four days balanced tableaus of everyday Americans with speeches from all the party luminaries, and upbeat visions of hope and progress with scathing attacks on President Trump. In his acceptance speech, Biden told the country that we face a perfect storm of four historic crises: the virus, the economy, racial justice and climate change.

John Durham, selected by Attorney General William Barr to investigate the investigators of the 2016 probe of Russia's attempts to interfere with the election, secured his first conviction against a low level FBI lawyer who altered an email. Trump, as well as Trump cheerleaders like Lindsey Graham, were jubilant and predicted it was the first ripple and a coming wave of indictments of all of Trump's tormentors, others saw it as isolated and inconsequential. To the extent Durham is looking to serve bar and Trump's goals of discrediting the Mueller probe and everything related to it.

Their efforts were sharply undermined by a bipartisan report from the Senate Intelligence Committee that found extensive contacts, in 2016 and thereafter, between Russia and the Trump campaign and administration. And that brought new scrutiny to Paul Manafort, Jared Kushner, and Donald Trump, Jr.

Meanwhile Trump, preparing for his own acceptance party next week, took some lumps at the hands of the criminal justice system in New York. A federal court dismissed his effort to keep New York District Attorney Cyrus Vance from getting his tax records, calling Trump's argument quote, “as unprecedented and far reaching as it is perilous to the rule of law.” And the Southern district of New York, the federal system, indicted flamboyant Trump swami, Steve Bannon, in a million dollar plus fraud in connection with a charity fund to help build Trump's wall. Bad news of one sort or another seems to crop up around every corner.

The US new jobless claims jumped back up over 1 million, even as the stock market hit record highs. Confirmed corona cases now exceed 5.5 million and hundreds of wildfires raged across California. We continue to live in extraordinary and tumultuous times. 

And to drive home the events and takeaways from this week's flurry of news, we have a great panel of good friends and returning Feds. They are: Laura Jarrett, after a successful if brief career in legal practice, Laura in 2016 made the jump over to journalism. And since then, she's covered the justice department for CNN and is now an anchor of CNNs Early Start program. Laura, thanks so much for coming back to Talking Feds.

Laura Jarrett [00:04:17]: Always.

Harry Litman [00:04:18]: Matt Miller, speaking of always, our maybe most consistent visitor is a partner at strategic advisory firm, Vianovo. Matt served as the Director of the Office of Public Affairs for the Department of Justice, as well as in leadership positions in both the US House and Senate. Always great to have you sir, welcome back.

Matt Miller [00:04:39]: Always great to be here, Harry. 

Harry Litman [00:04:41]: And another charter and frequent Fed, Frank Figliuzzi. He's an NBC News national security contributor, and former FBI Assistant Director for Counterintelligence, and special agent in charge of the Bureau's Cleveland division. And now, not sure how he managed to do it since he's always on TV — probably did a lot of writing in green rooms — but Frank also has written a new book.

The FBI Way, which is coming out in a few months, but is now available for preorder. Frank, congratulations on the new book, and thanks for joining us at Talking Feds. 

Frank Figliuzzi [00:05:16]: Oh, thanks, Harry, it's my pleasure. I'll be on anytime you'll have me. 

Harry Litman [00:05:21]: Okay. Well maybe we'll do a whole special one actually, when the book comes out, we've been doing a lot of interviews with authors, and you've joined their ranks.

Don't know how you did it. Alright, let's start with the convention. The first virtual convention ever, and it strikes me that the Dems approached it with a lot of ambition. They tried quite a bit to do party business, but also reach out to nearly all Americans, more or less everybody but the 1%, but also trying to put the withering criticism of the administration on a higher plane, and basically rapid and existential stakes for the election. So let's start there. I'm interested in people's view of their overall grade, and also whether the Dems succeeded in going high while going low as it were, and getting in their lumps on the president without seeming to be, you know nitpicking, or just crabby about things Trump has done.

Matt Miller [00:06:21]: I thought it was a really successful convention, Harry. I thought they were, you know, it's interesting. You said that they were talking to all Americans, I think that's true. But you could see in the messages delivered —  kind of in the set pieces, the videos, and also in the speeches, they were really laser focused on two specific groups of people, I think. One were kind of disaffected Republican voters, whether those be some of the voters that voted for Obama in 2008 and 12 and then for Trump, or whether they were kind of your traditional Republican, suburban voters, some of whom fell off of Trump in 16, some of them voted for him but fell off the Republican side and 18.

They were focused on those voters and also focused on the kind of core Democratic constituencies who didn't turn out in the same numbers in 2016, as they had in the two previous presidential elections. And I thought they did a good job at delivering messages to those voters. It was smart, strategic. And I thought, you know, you heard a few different things about Trump.

One, something that we have talked about on this podcast, that all, I think all of us on here have talked about on TV for three and a half years, which is that Trump's kind of a unique threat to the country. You heard that, especially from President Obama. But then there was a message you heard that I thought was really important that hasn't gotten enough, as much attention really until the virus, which is Trump's just not up to the job. You heard that from Michelle Obama, you've heard it from Barack Obama and President Obama kind of said it like he's not doing the job because he can't. It's not just that he doesn't want to, it's not just that he's focused on doing things like attacking people on Twitter, it's that he's not capable of the job.

And I thought that was an important message to drive home, to set the stage for Joe Biden to get up on the final night and say, ‘the first thing I'm going to do is fix the problems that have been created by the virus, and I have a plan, I've had a plan since March.’ I thought everything up to the convention kind of built into that final moment from the nominee.

And I thought it was, it was very well staged and executed. 

Laura Jarrett [00:08:08]:, So, I think there's no question that the coronavirus has provided Democrats with this incredible opportunity to highlight Trump's failures in a particularly acute way, because obviously this virus sadly has killed so many Americans, and there's still not a national plan for how to come to grips with it.

But to Matt's point, I sometimes wondered, watching some of the speeches and some of the overall tone about who is really the intended audience of this type of convention. Democrats love this idea of a big tent. They love highlighting the tapestry of our country. But sometimes watching it, I wonder if the thread and the through line gets lost, because there were points at which they were clearly trying to rile up the Democratic base, the core of the Democratic party.

But there are also times when they're trying to embrace so-called ‘swing voters,’ some moderate Republicans. They've got Colin Powell, they've got the voice of Cindy McCain. And so it ends up being this kitchen sink approach. And I just wonder for folks sitting at home, whether that's a little disjointed, I don’t know.

I think overall the coverage of it obviously was, by and large, mostly positive, but I sometimes wondered whether folks at home felt like there was a little bit of whiplash there. 

Frank Figliuzzi [00:09:21]: This is Frank. I think this was a solid B plus, A minus. And I'm trying to look at it through a critical eye.

I really think that, I never cared for the very traditional convention — the screaming, the hollering, people dressed like circus clowns — and I liked this format, I think for many of us, sitting at home watching Netflix for months in quarantine or isolation, that this video heavy, smooth transition was more TV/movie-like.

And I liked it, and I think it particularly suited Biden, because I think with some of his issues regarding speech and some of his less-than-spectacular public speaking skills — I think this worked very well. I think the Obama speech and others were phenomenal.  I would say, because I tend to look at the world through the national security and the law enforcement lens, I would have liked more attention on some things that I think are going to come up heavily next week in the Republican convention. And I don't think they effectively countered, and that is the violence going on in the streets right now, the root cause of that violence. So you're going to hear next week, Trump just screaming, ‘fear and hatred and we’re losing our cities.’

And he'll never point out that this is happening on his watch. And that this is, the root causes of this are in many ways his. And I don't think we heard that from a law enforcement perspective. And from an intelligence community perspective, I don't think I heard enough of the threat posed by China, how are we going to deal with that? Would have liked to have heard that a little more, cause we're going to hear it tremendously next week. 

Harry Litman [00:10:44]: Yeah, it's a good point. And I think what we're going to hear next week, he's begun this mantra of, he's suggesting that crime rates are spiking and soaring in Democratic cities, which is just false, I think is trying to blend the TV coverage of some of the protests with a much broader argument, almost 1968 Richard Nixon style. But to follow up just on the directing points that you, well all three of you really, have made. So first, after seeing one or two of the speeches in empty halls, which they wisely, I think, didn't try to build up with applause or anything.

I found them to be effective platforms for even the most high-profile speakers. There was a certain dignity to it. And then to Frank's point, I totally thought that the contrast was clear and strong with the roll call, which really is a sort of boring piece of ‘look at me, look at me’ from all 50 States. When you see it live, the scrum on the floor, and here had a great balance of different sorts of stories. How about Biden himself? So obviously it was very carefully choreographed, the kind of tone and message that he would take. How did he try to present himself and his candidacy as you saw it?

Matt Miller [00:12:12]: Look, I think there were a few messages they were trying to send about Joe Biden. One was very simple in that look, he's a president. He looks like a president. He sounds like a president. And a lot of the message of the Biden campaign is text and subtext, and the subtext is, ‘I'm not like that guy you see ranting and raving on your television all the time and sending out crazy tweets, attacking movie stars and companies and random people that he saw on television that he's mad about, I look and sound like a president and I talk like a president,’ and a part of that, that there's a subtext was about Trump, just by seeing Joe Biden stand up and deliver what is a normal speech.

In terms of the text, I think there’s two important things. One, they wanted to show that obviously he has a plan to address all of what he sees — and what I think in their minds, and I agree with this, the public — sees as the major issues facing the country, the threat of climate change, the virus, the economic challenges associated with it.

But then beyond that, you mentioned the empathetic message they wanted to communicate about him, Harry, that was central to his speech, it was central in so many other people's speeches about him. Both because of his personal story, and the personal examples people could tell about how he had helped them.

There was the great story that left me in tears, probably everyone in tears, of the boy who stutters that Joe Biden tried to help. And that's, that is a message that is obviously both a contrast with Trump, who has attacked a disabled reporter publicly and doesn't have empathy for anyone. Any message that's authentic works better, and it's authentic to who Joe Biden is, and it connects with what the country needs right now, because this is a country going through a crisis. Biden said something in his speech that you’ve never heard the President say, which is talk directly to the people who have lost loved ones in this crisis. And I thought it was a smart message because it's authentic to him and it just met the moment, exactly where the country is or where I think, where I think and where I believe that they think most of the country is.

Harry Litman [00:14:02]: And the flip side, you mentioned the criticism from both Obamas, the pithy, “it is what it is,” almost it's just too bad, but we have to turn the page, as opposed to chapter and verse of everything Trump has gone wrong. Obama I think was unusually critical of a sitting President, but he wanted to walk a tightrope by putting his criticism on this sort of existential plane by making the case that this isn't pedestrian politics, but really the American experiment is sort of on the line.

Not an easy tightrope to walk, although he's a great tightrope walker, did it basically come off? You know, he wanted to be high minded, but deeply critical, was he?

Frank Figliuzzi [00:14:52]: I think he pulled it off. I think he allowed other people to be the bad guy. It's like good cop, bad cop. And I think you're going to see Kamala Harris play that bad cop role for the next couple of months so he can take the high road. I think that worked pretty effectively. 

Harry Litman [00:15:07]: Speaking of her, it was striking, right? Because normally that's exactly what you have in these speeches is the vice presidential candidate playing the bad cop. Harris didn't. Right, it wasn't the doom-saying attack mode of a VP candidate. It was warm, very, very sort of American; the daughter of two immigrants who marched together during the civil rights movement.

I thought it was pretty clear that she passed her first test. She's someone who had been the kind of betting favorite the whole time, but couldn't quite close the deal. There seemed to be a lot of resistance to her, especially in California. But she comes out with high marks from this convention. No, anybody disagree? 

Laura Jarrett [00:15:48]: I think she comes out with high marks, but I think she also realized the historic nature of just her nomination limits, how much risk taking she can do, right? She's the first black woman, Indian American woman on a major party ticket. She can't come out guns blazing in a way that some other people may feel unconstrained to do.

Now, that's not saying that she's going to hold back I think going forward. But this was a huge moment for her, a huge historic speech for her. And she did get her licks in. I mean, she says, ‘I know a predator when I see one.’ No one's confused about who she's talking about. Everyone, everyone knows that’s a shot at Trump.

So I think, particularly in the debate against Pence and through whatever form of campaign trail they have for the next 74 days, she will make her case against Trump in the way that a prosecutor likely would and just lay out the case. 

Matt Miller [00:16:40]: Yeah. I also think she didn't need to go after Trump as directly as you might usually see a vice president do, and as she might do later, because Barack Obama had just left the stage right before and had come out and said, ‘not only is this guy not up to the job, he's never going to the job. Oh, and if that isn't enough, he's a unique threat to democracy. If you don't get out and vote and save our democracy, we might lose it forever.’ You don't really need to say much more than that, when the previous sitting President of the United States has come in and proceeded you with a speech like that. 

Harry Litman [00:17:06]: All right. Well, all of these things will be playing out over the next 74 days as Laura says, I wanted to touch on one more thing. Matt, you spoke of the effort to perhaps appeal to former Obama-Biden voters who had defected to Trump. So the kind of right wing, the, the use of Kasich, and Cindy McCain.

So, what about the outreach to Sanders folks? You hear some people, they were a very big force in the campaign as they were four years ago. And you hear some quibbling, I think, among their ranks, that there was cosmetic outreach, but not much in terms of substantive outreach to try to bring them into the fold. Fair? 

Matt Miller [00:17:47]: I don't think it's fair. Look, in politics, you're always gonna get to hear those types of complaints, and I guess fair is in the eye of the beholder, but I thought two of the most prominent and two of the best speeches of the convention were delivered by Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren. Elizabeth Warren comes from a little different part of the party than Sanders, but still, I think you, you couldn't argue that she's anything but on the left. I saw a real difference, obviously this was a virtual convention, much different from four years ago, but I was in the hall four years ago when Sanders supporters were vocally disrupting the convention over and over again, including while the nominee was speaking, when Hillary Clinton was speaking, they were erupting in chants against her.

And while there's always a little unhappiness, there is nothing like that level of discontent in the party right now. And I think part of that's Joe Biden, but let's be honest, most of it is about Donald Trump. Donald Trump was a theoretical threat. Last time he was a real threat, but most people thought he wouldn't win.

So, you could take your anger out on people in the party you disagree with. But four years in, he has, I think, unified the Democratic party in a way really no nominee would be able to, in the absence of him.

Harry Litman [00:18:55]: Alright, so we'll leave it there for now. We're going to see this playing out day to day on the trail with both stump speeches, and also all kinds of messages from surrogates. I had one more point just to add in passing, which I was impressed that the big tent, as Laura calls it, had seemed to me to have much more greater emphasis on immigrants than it has in the past.

Perhaps that's playing off Trump. And it also of course dovetails with Harris's nomination. But, in general there was, I think, a very big sense of ‘Immigrants. We get it done’ as it were, and an appeal to them as part of the Democratic vision for the country.

Alright, let's move on though. I'm sure we'll be circling back to all these themes in coming weeks. But I wanted to return to the several events that kind of took us back to 2016, as has been happening repeatedly in the last few years. So the conviction that John Durham secured of an FBI lawyer, Kevin Clinesmith. 

And then the report from the Senate Intelligence Committee. Let’s start there. So this was a pretty killer report. Frank, you probably read it very closely. That's one problem, is as each new thing comes out it feels like old news and people don't necessarily digest it But this was the detail here, and the kind of filling in of the themes from the Mueller probe and even the were very rich, No?

Frank Figliuzzi [00:20:35]: Listen, the Senate Intel report reads a whole lot like an FBI counterintelligence case summary. By that I mean one of the big disappointments of the Mueller inquiry was that they were constrained to criminal conduct. And the mystery, of course, following that was whatever happened to the origins of the Russia inquiry, which was, it was all counterintelligence, national security concerns.

We finally see a thousand page document dealing with those concerns and it's fascinating. And there is no escaping, for people who truly read it, the fact that there was collusion. There was knowing, willing, eager contact with the Russians, and that the Trump campaign had, as it's kind of silent partner to Manafort, a known Russian intelligence officer.

This is the first time we've actually seen an acknowledgement that this guy wasn’t a, this guy Konstantin Kilimnik, was not a co-optee or an asset. He was a credentialed Russian intelligence officer assisting in the campaign. 

Harry Litman [00:21:37]: Yeah, I mean, there are partners in crime. It's like a road buddy movie between Manafort and Kilimnik, yes? 

Frank Figliuzzi [00:21:42]: And they, well, they've known each other for years. Well prior to the campaign. So you can see that at least one of the major threat vectors for the Russian intelligence officer that helped them penetrate the campaign was clearly Manafort. He's carrying the Russian water, and here comes Kilimnik just tagging along cause they've already got him next to Manafort. 

But other revelations of course, that the president lied under oath to Mueller. When he said he did not recall that anyone had ever talk to him or vice versa about Wiki leaks and leaks prior to and hacking —  it's nonsense. And so, its further conference for me, Harry, that the FBI knew what it was doing when they opened and properly predicated the Russian inquiry, that Mueller was handcuffed by constraints for criminal conduct.

And, comma, this is going to really make it hard for Attorney General Barr to come out with a Durham report that says, ‘Hey, this case should never have happened.’ 

Harry Litman [00:22:43]: It’s such a basic point. I've been tearing my hair out every time they re-litigate the Flynn case because they bring up the Logan Act like it's only a criminal investigation. This was, first and foremost, a severe threat to the intelligence interests of the United States. It would have been so derelict of the Bureau not to dive in, and yes, here we have what they were really needing to, to find.

I mean, this is not that far away from a Manchurian candidate kind of scenario. Manafort was pulling a lot of strings and there's no doubt why he was pulling them and whose interests, he was. This is chilling stuff normally you'd, you'd see in novels. 

Laura Jarrett [00:23:23]: But no matter how chilling and devastating, I agree, the contents of the report are sadly, this country is suffering from Russia fatigue in a bad way.

And the report is a thousand pages. It drops in the same week as the convention. So, it gets far less press attention. I do not think it's registering with voters. I think people have a tin ear now when it comes to this stuff, even though it's adding all of these amazing new details on Manafort and Kilimnik.

And why is he sharing internal polling data? That still has just been mystifying to me, and how you even have a comeback to that? I don't know what their theory of the case is on that, but it's incredible stuff. And it's just, it's not —  I don't think it's breaking through in a way, for regular folks.

And I think the conventional wisdom around this report this week was, it should carry more weight because it's bipartisan and it's a product of this GOP led panel with Burr who then has to step down for his own issues and goes to Rubio. But if at the end of the day, supporters still see this as a hoax, where does it leave us? 

Is it just a product of historical record? Is it the product of people who have the time and interest to read it now can look at it obviously, and be shocked and blown away by the contents, but what does it do in this moment as opposed to what it does in the future or history.

Matt Miller [00:24:41]: This is one of those moments when you think about Bob Dole campaigning against Bill Clinton in 1996 and saying, ‘where's the outrage?’ Because Bob Dole thought everyone ought to be outraged about Bill Clinton's conduct and the rest of the country just really wasn't. I think Laura is right, and I think somehow, the bar for acceptability for Trump's conduct got set at whether it was criminal or not. 

Well, not just whether it's criminal, but whether it was proveable beyond a reasonable doubt as a crime. And I think part of that is the nature of him being the subject of a high profile criminal investigation for two and a half years. Part of it probably, you Harry and you Frank and me, we probably bear a little responsibility ourselves, we were on TV all the time talking about, ‘well, this would be a crime, this would not be a crime.’ And I know we all talked about, we've talked about what would be acceptable behavior as well, but I think the country, sort of by the end of the Mueller investigation, was waiting to find out whether there was a crime or not.

And when Mueller didn't come out and say there was a crime — and I think that, that wasn't because there wasn't evidence of a crime, it was because he didn’t believe he could accuse the president of one — the country, I think, pretty quickly moved on. And not the whole country, there are a lot of people who believe that Trump's conduct with respect to Russia was absolutely unacceptable.

And his conduct in obstructing investigations. And I agree with Frank, it's clear he flat out lied to Mueller in his written answers about discussing Wiki leaks with anyone. Some people found that unacceptable, but a lot of the country was just ready to move on and the same thing has been true about impeachment.

I don't think impeachment and Ukraine came up one time throughout the four night Democratic convention, a subject that — impeachments only happened a few times in our history, and it’s not a part of the main attack against Donald Trump because it's just not what's moving votes right now.

Harry Litman [00:26:23]: It's really true. And of course the strategy at the Mueller probe was to define things in terms of the legal nonsense term of collusion. And yet, as Frank says now, I mean the documentary record of exactly that becomes quite strong, but there's been this odd dynamic that has benefited Trump all the way along.

And part of it is his unique or Teflon status, but every big revelation has had the sting taken out of it by either advanced reporting or positioning by Trump. So when it came out, none of it did with the sort of explosive quality of, say, the initial revelations of Clinton's conduct with Monica Lewinsky or anything like that.

So that, and the fact that it foreign relations, which makes people's heads spin a little, they've set the table several times now with a real buffet of crimes and misconduct, but it just hasn't struck anyone. And I agree with Laura, it won't. Now, there is a question. Does it seem increasingly clear that the verdict of history will be that president Trump was a thug and a crook in the oval office? But it's ironic or somewhat anticlimactic that that will just be the stuff of history, in debates among historians going forward.

Frank Figliuzzi [00:27:48]: I was going to kind of echo your theme earlier, Laura, which is that this polarized society — as Barr said, history is written by the winners — and I think time eventually is going to show an incredible amount of co-opted activity between Russia and the campaign, and even the president and the report alludes to that in more detail than we've ever seen before, regarding relationships with a former Miss Moscow and trips, early, early trips.

And the fact that Trump came on the Russian intelligence service radar screen decades ago. I mean there's even published research that it was early on in his career. But I think when you're aided and abetted by and infrastructure like Fox News, like the current GOP membership in the House and Senate, you don't have to be brilliant to do what he's doing and become Teflon because everybody's looking through it through the lens of their news source.

And when you have Marco Rubio come out and announce that the report found no collusion number one, and number two, disturbing conduct by the FBI. Okay. So when you, when that's the news that you're getting you go, ‘Oh, okay. Nope. Nothing to see here.’ And unfortunately that's where we are.

Laura Jarrett [00:28:53]: I was going to agree with you, Harry, that I think the coverage surrounding all of this has framed the public's appetite for it as well. Even if this report had detailed even greater explosive connections between the Kremlin and the Trump campaign, I think even Democrats are ready to move on from that. Somebody raised the issue this week, I heard, of whether a Biden administration DOJ would rather prosecute any Trump officials for things, that this administration has sort of just dropped the ball under Barr. I cannot fathom that happening. I just don't see it. I think everybody has essentially been put in the position to say, ‘something happened here, but it's not something that we can prove criminally.’

And it seems that people's focus has really shifted more towards what's happening in the Southern district of New York or what's happening with the District Attorney in New York. And to the extent that Trump is going to face any consequences for some of his action, it seems like that's where the action is going forward. Not at a criminal level at DOJ in Washington. 

Harry Litman [00:29:55]: You know, I agree. I think essentially the Democrats have given up, you know, somewhat head scratching, but they've given up trying to score points here and it came through in the speeches of especially both Obamas. They're not trying anymore to show exactly the crimes that were proven.

They're just going at this level of, he's just not up to the job. Very sort of high level, but very much at job effectiveness rather than moral turpitude, if you want to call it that. Well, so now each side this week had something to cheer about, but also accused the other side of ignoring. For the Democrats and Trump opponents it was the report, but for Republicans and Biden opponents, it was that John Durham got a conviction against an FBI agent who had some participation in the FISA proceedings involving Carter Page. I want to just set this up a little bit as a former prosecutor, cause I think it's been really misreported.

So what he was accused of doing, Clinesmith, was not, was not lying about Page’s status. He said, he's not a source. And he inserted that into the email, but the problem was simply that he altered an email and he was charged under a not very frequently used statutory provision that makes that, and that alone, a crime.

He said, including in the plea colloquy, ‘I thought it was accurate. I still think it's accurate.’ And the United States, Durham did not charge that there was anything inaccurate about saying that Carter Page was not a full fledged source of the CIA. You get very quickly into nomenclature issues, differences between full source and partial source and the different ways that the different agencies describe those folks. 

But basically the important point here is all he's accused of is altering the email. Now Barr himself called it not earth shattering, but the president said, ‘this is just the beginning, they spied on my campaign and they got caught and you'll be hearing more,’ Lindsay Graham, some of the same. Of course every big investigation begins somewhere, but is there any basis here for thinking that Clinesmith is just first rung on a ladder to the very top. 

Laura Jarrett [00:32:25]: Well, it certainly can't be enough.

This one guilty plea certainly can't be enough for a president who has accused his political opponents of treason. I mean, this is, this is such a far cry from what Trump and his allies on Capitol Hill had been propagating for the last three and a half years. His conduct… I mean, it's appalling, right?

You can't alter emails. Um, and even if the motivation wasn't some cabal of a plot to take down the president. Maybe it was just motivated by just a bureaucratic laziness or a motivation to not have to do this back and forth with the CIA and have to tell the judge, ‘well, we're not sure.’ Whatever the motivation was, It's clearly not part of some larger political plot to take down Trump, which is what he has been beating the drum about since he got into office. And so if this is it, if this is all Durham has by way of actual charges, Trump can't be happy with this. 

Harry Litman [00:33:19]: Frank actually, I have a particular theory that I wanted to run by you as a former Bureau person.

I absolutely agree with Laura. He had to know, this is more than cutting corners. You don't do this, but his supervisor, who was going to be the person who signed the application, really was pushing on him. Has the CIA said that in writing? Now, it's common knowledge among both agencies that there's mistrust among them.

And I see the possibility that if he's a junior lawyer and he just wasn't abashed about calling up the CIA guy then, and being, ‘My guy says, you must put this in writing,’ almost patronizing, and that's what led him to lazily, or to avoid confrontation and slip in those words, which his supervisor was insisting have to come from the CIA.

Does that hold up as a theory at all to you? And if not, how do you account for this? 

Frank Figliuzzi [00:34:14]: Yeah, so first I feel compelled to say what's already been said, which is that this is entirely unacceptable behavior. I devoted, sadly, a portion of my career to internal affairs in the FBI and the office of professional responsibility and inspections.

So, this is a topic near and dear to my heart and it, it hurts when I see misconduct. This was a young lawyer, four years in general counsel at the FBI. And I will tell you personally that, in my own experience, getting the Central Intelligence Agency to properly characterize and consistently characterize a source, as you just alluded to.

And particularly if it's going to be used in a legal document, where they're going to say, ‘yeah. Oh yeah. Yeah. He's a paid asset.’ And then, as you said, there's vernacular issues, ‘well, he used to be a cooperator and now he's an asset and then he was an operative, but he wasn't, it wasn't an operational source.’

You get, you get these nuances that drive you crazy when you're trying to pin something down for a legal document. And what I'm hearing behind the scenes is, that was part of this confusion. The subtle nuance of linguistics coming out of Langley would drive anyone crazy. It's still unacceptable to alter or mischaracterize an email. 

Although I will add, Clinesmith let the whole email go from the CIA to the Russian side of the investigation, the non-Carter Page side. The Russia inquiry people got the unvarnished email from the CIA. So it doesn't look like he was trying to hide it from at least a part of the FBI. Nonetheless, he's pled guilty because he did it.

He altered an email. Now, what I find interesting is there was a little rant by the president, there was an announcement for the guilty plea and I, yeah, Laura, it sounds like you caught it. It got my attention because it's the first time I've heard the president even imply that he's not happy with Barr.

Laura Jarrett [00:36:03]: Yeah, he says if you're, if you don't want to make history. Right? 

Harry Litman [00:36:08]: Are you a real man attorney general, right? 

Frank Figliuzzi [00:36:10]: Yeah. Yeah. He has a chance to be the greatest, you know, or just another guy. And I find it interesting because soon after that, here comes the guilty plea from Clinesmith. 

I wonder if Barr briefed Trump and said, ‘yeah, we've got this low level young attorney and he altered an email and that's pretty much what we've got.’ And Trump blew a gasket. So, that's a clue that that's basically what they've got, then Trump's going to be very unhappy. 

Harry Litman [00:36:35]: Really interesting. All right, it's time now for our sidebar. And this was convention week and we have asked an attendee of the convention — virtually of course — to give the sidebar today and not just any attendee. Victor Shi, who is an incoming freshman at UCLA and he was 17 years old when he was chosen in the Democratic primary as the youngest Biden delegate. And he's going to explain to us whether the convention could have rejected Biden's choice of Kamala Harris for vice president and forced a different choice by the party.

Victor Shi [00:37:14]: The constitution originally did not anticipate that anyone would specifically run for the office of vice-president. The vice-president was simply the runner-up in a presidential election. The problem with this system is that the possibility, indeed the likelihood, that the president and vice president would come from different political parties. This came to pass immediately after George Washington’s presidency in 1796. Even worse in 1800, Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr both ran as Democratic Republicans, with Burr as the presumptive vice-president. However, they received an equal number of electoral votes, and the House of Representatives required 35 rounds of voting to pick the president. That debacle led to the 12th Amendment, as well as —  indirectly — Alexander Hamilton’s death in a duel with Aaron Burr, which provided for the electors to vote separately for president and vice-president. Now, candidates would specifically run for the vice-presidency. The modern system in which a party’s presidential nominee chooses the vice-presidential candidate is surprisingly recent. The first candidate to choose his running mate was Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1940. Still as late as 1956, Adlai Stevenson, the Democratic presidential nominee, left the choice of VP to the convention. And in 1972, George McGovern was forced to win a convention floor battle to secure his choice, Tom Eagleton, only to have left the campaign 19 days later. Current party rules and 50 years of established practice now make it virtually inconceivable that a convention could override the presidential nominee’s selection. Democratic party rules in fact preclude the possibility; they specify that the VP candidate shall be nominated by the presidential candidate. The person the presidential nominee designates is then invited to give a speech to the convention, at the end of which she becomes the party’s nominee. Thus, Kamala Harris officially became the party’s vice-presidential nominee when she completed her speech. The rules of the Republican party are less simple, and do leave room for a topsy-turvy convention, in which someone other than the presidential nominee’s selection becomes the party’s choice. But as a practical matter, only the presidential nominee’s choice has a bonafide path to the vice-presidential nomination. For Talking Feds, I’m Victor Shi.

Harry Litman [00:39:17]: Thanks Victor. In addition to his other achievements in his young years, Victor is the host of the Intergenerational Politics podcast with our own Jill Wine-Banks. 

All right. We have time for one more issue, and I wanted to focus a little bit on Mr. Steve Bannon. So he's indicted yesterday in the SDNY.

As it seems so often the case with fraud indictments, you wonder how could the guy be so stupid, but basically it's this really callous plot of setting up a charity to help build the wall with a front person who's a triple amputee from Iraq. And then after promising 100% of the donations would go to fund the wall, funneling off in his case a million dollars for personal effects and to pay somebody involved, et cetera. The case looks very strong on paper, is Bannon dead to rights?

Matt Miller [00:40:23]: Yeah, he is. It is strong on paper, I mean, it's one of those cases where it's compelling because you have great evidence on the front end and on the backend. On the front end, the thing that really gets him on the fraud problem is look, you can take money in a charity and you can use it for pretty high salaries and things, but you can't tell the donors to the charity that none of this money is going to go to the founders and then spend it on the founders as they did. 

And on top of that, the thing that I think always is compelling in these cases is when you have evidence of concealment, which is what you have, when you do look at the indictment. Evidence that Bannon and the other conspirators were trying to set up little shell companies and hide the expenses, and conceal that the money was going into their pockets or going to fund kind of lavish travel. 

It's, uh, I think, a pretty open and shut case unless he has a sort of pardon play as all of Trump's associates seem to try to try to run. Absent that, you'd expect him to be trying to negotiate a plea at some point.

Laura Jarrett [00:41:18]: I'm interested given my prior life, what the role of Attorney General Bill Barr is on this.

There was so much speculation when he tried to do this force ouster of the prior US attorney, Jeff Berman, about why. It seemed to come out of nowhere, the whole thing was orchestrated very bizarrely. And so immediately when I saw the charges come down, I thought, I wonder if this is part of some group of cases that Berman left behind.

He, you know, he said as he was departing, there was some stuff he wanted to finish, there were some important cases in the pipeline. And I wonder if this was one of the more politically sensitive ones on his plate. Now, at least the reporting shows that Barr was given a heads up, which isn’t a surprise, that makes sense. You know, politically sensitive cases would go up to the Attorney General, as I think you guys would agree on this one. But I do wonder what else is coming, you know we're now, like I said, 74 days out from the election and not like this DOJ has followed many of the prior administrations rules. But once upon a time there were rules about doing things within a certain period of time before elections. And I wonder if there's, if there's anything else coming. 

Frank Figliuzzi [00:42:25]: So I like where Laura's going with this. What else is on tap? And particularly in light of Barr’s edict to everybody, ‘hey, we're not doing anything to impact the election.’ A couple of things first, I got to agree totally with Matt, that this is kind of open and shut.

It's very hard to claim that the money coming to you was overhead in salary when you went to great lengths to hide it with shell companies and creating charities, et cetera. Number two though, I'm intrigued by a couple of things. One is, that this was entirely a postal service case. And I don't mean in any way to denigrate postal service. In fact, to the contrary, they are some of the finest investigators I've ever worked with. And I worked with them extensively on a serial bombing case back in the deep south, early in my career. 

Harry Litman [00:43:07]: But explain, who would you have thought would have this case?

Frank Figliuzzi [00:43:09]: Well, okay, so a couple of things. One is, there's reporting that the AUSA’s Southern district of New York’s on this case. And please tell me if I've got this wrong, but the reporting is that they're the same AUSAs working the corruption case on a number of these issues, including likely on Trump.

So, this is a straight up white collar kind of a fraud case. Not necessarily work by any corruption unit. I find that odd. Number two, the fact that it's postal inspectors, and by the way, my sources have confirmed, there was zero FBI support in this arrest. 

Harry Litman [00:43:42]: That's the point, right? 

Frank Figliuzzi [00:43:44]: Why do I find that intriguing? Well, postal inspectors pulled somebody off a boat in Long Island Sound...

Harry Litman [00:43:49]: A 150 foot yacht!

Frank Figliuzzi [00:43:50]: ...without FBI support. And that, it's the FBI that would have had the boats, a SWAT tactical guy. So it's almost like they went out of their way, deliberately, to not include the FBI in this. And I have to wonder whether it was to try to minimize visibility to the DOJ or whether there's a screen team and a wall that's gone up, but this is interesting that such a high-profile case would have been handed to the postal inspectors, there's something to this and I'm intrigued by it. 

Harry Litman [00:44:20]: It's a great, great point. And you can read the press release too. This has FBI written all over it, and the SDNY — which is now effectively, there are two DOJs out there, the SDNY and everyone else — actually consciously cleaved the FBI off. It has to have something to do with their relations with main justice and the like. 

Man, we could go on this one for another half hour, but we are out of time. And we just have a couple minutes for our Five Words or Fewer segment, though I just want to underscore what a really trench point that is on Frank's part. And we may be learning more about it in the coming weeks, but okay.

Five Words or Fewer, where we take a question from a listener and each of us has to answer in five words or fewer. So, Randy Sherman asked today, “Now that the USPS has backed down somewhat in face of all the protests, can we trust them to at least do their best, as DeJoy promises, with respect to the election?”

Matt, want to start Five Words or Fewer? 

Matt Miller [00:45:25]: Not just no, hell no. 

Harry Litman [00:45:29]: Frank? Laura? What are you thinking?

Frank Figliuzzi [00:45:32]: I'll take a crack at that. I watched the testimony. So here's my five word response: DeJoy was way too nervous.

Laura Jarrett [00:45:42]: Mine would be simply: be skeptical. I think that his testimony has shown to be in direct contradiction to some of the emails that have been flying around by some of the postal service workers and the unions would show major differences than what he has been saying is actually happening on the ground.

Harry Litman [00:46:03]: Yep. We're on the same page. Let's see how I can say it differently. I'll go with: Better, but lots of problems. 

Thank you very much to Frank, Laura, and Matt, and thank you very much listeners for tuning in to Talking Feds. If you like what you’ve heard, please tell a friend to subscribe to us on Apple Podcasts (or wherever they get their podcasts), and please take a moment to rate and review this podcast. You can follow us on Twitter @talkingfedspod, to find out about future episodes and other Feds related content. You can check us out on the web, talkingfeds.com , where we have full episode transcripts. And you can look to see our latest offerings on Patreon, where we post discussions about special topics exclusively for supporters, and ad-free episodes. Submit your questions to questions@talkingfeds.com , whether it’s for Five Words or Fewer, or general questions about the inner-workings of the legal system for our Sidebar segments. Thanks for tuning in, and don’t worry: as long as you need answers, the Feds will keep talking.

Talking Feds is produced by Jennifer Bassett and Rebecca Lowe Patton. Our editor is Justin Wright. David Lieberman and Rosie Don Griffin are our contributing writers. Production assistance by Ayo Osobamiro and Matt McArdle. Andrea Carla-Michaels is our consulting producer. Thanks very much to Victor Shi for the Sidebar on whether the convention could buck the presidential nominee’s choice for vice president. Our gratitude goes, as always, to the amazing Phillip Glass, who graciously lets us use his music. Talking Feds is a production of Dalito, LLC. I’m Harry Litman, see you next time.

THE SISTERS IN LAW SPECIAL EDITION: NASTY WOMEN VOTE

Jill Wine-Banks [00:00:00]: I'm Jill Wine-Banks, here today for a special two-part series of Talking Feds with the Sisters in Law, Joyce Vance and Barbara McQuade. We are recording this week to commemorate the 100th anniversary of the 19th amendment giving women the right to vote. And we'll be talking with very special guests about voting rights.

Today, in Part 1 of the podcast, we will be joined by Vanita Gupta, an American civil rights attorney. She is the president and Chief Executive Officer of the Leadership Conference of Civil and Human Rights and is very involved in protecting our voting rights. We also are joined by Pam Carlin, who is also an American lawyer and professor of law at Stanford law school.

She is a leading legal scholar on voting rights and the political process. She served as the Deputy Attorney General for voting rights in the Department of Justice from 2014 to 2015. And next week, we’ll follow up with a conversation with Sherilyn Eiffel, a lawyer and President and Director Counsel of the NAACP legal defense fund.

So I'd like to start today by asking Barbara and Joyce for your views of the 19th amendment. Joyce, let’s start with you. 

Joyce Vance [00:01:14]: You know, I've always found it a little bit interesting that we talk about giving women the right to vote.

When in fact, we actually had to affirmatively seize it for ourselves. It was these all-male legislatures in many cases that voted to, quote unquote, give it to us. But women worked so hard behind the scenes to get the right to vote. And I was part of the Alabama bar associations task force on the 19th amendment.

And I was struck by the fact that this vote came down to the ballot of one young legislator in Tennessee, the youngest member of the Tennessee legislature, a 24 year old, who was going to vote against adopting the 19th amendment. But he received a letter from his mom the morning of the vote. And it said, ‘Dear son, hurrah and vote for suffrage.’

And so he did, and that was actually the linchpin vote in a decided Tennessee house, that ended up giving women the right to vote. But we had, we had to bring that into being ourselves. No one really gave it to us. 

Barbara McQuade [00:02:14]: Well, I think it is a great insight, Joyce, you know, um, I am wearing white today to commemorate the 100th anniversary of the 19th amendment.

It is a white tee shirt, but it is white nonetheless, which was the color of the suffragettes. And I think it's so important to remember the sacrifices of the women that came before us. I think it's sometimes easy for me to forget about the fights and the battles that women before us had to endure to give us the rights that we have today.

I know even Jill, I've read your book, the Watergate girl, which is phenomenal. I've told you this, but I've read more books this year than any other year because of COVID and it's the best book I've read this year — in part, of course, because of the insights about Watergate, but it was also really eye opening to me to see all of the sexism that you face just in that 1970s, not that long ago.

And so, there are so many battles yet to be fought. For voting rights and for other rights, to achieve equal justice under law. And so every time we achieve one more milestone, it really is a great thing for our country. So, I think it's important that we recognize and commemorate the 19th amendment. Women didn't always have the right to vote.

It is something we had to fight for, and we need to keep fighting to make sure that we become the more perfect union that the framers promised. 

Jill Wine-Banks [00:03:23]: Thank you. Thank you for that. It has been a long, hard fight, and it's sad that we still need the Equal Rights Amendment. It's sad that the Lilly Ledbetter Act was the first act passed in the Obama administration. I know that my husband said, I can't believe that women haven't  always had equal pay and yet in my lifetime, women didn't have equal pay and it was not illegal for women to be paid different rates, which is why we still need the Equal Rights Amendment.

And I'm hoping that somehow that can become law as well as we move forward. 

But today let's be happy and celebrate the fact that we have the 19th amendment. In today's episode, we'll be talking about how, in the time of COVID, we can do that and especially because we now have a woman Vice Presidential candidate, Kamala Harris, who is also the first black woman to be on a major parties tickets and the first South Asian woman to be on a Vice Presidential candidate.

So, let's get on to talking to our wonderful guests.

Barbara McQuade [00:04:26]: Our first guest is Vanita Gupta. Vanita is the President and CEO of the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights. But we all got to know Vanita in her prior job when she was the head of the civil rights division at the US Department of Justice. Vanita, welcome to Sisters in Law.

Vanita Gupta [00:04:43]: It is so great to be here and so great to be with all my Sisters in Law! 

Barbara McQuade [00:04:47]: Thanks. Well, we're really interested Vanita in picking your brain about a topic that you've been doing a lot of work on, and that is voting rights during COVID. How can we best make sure that we are protecting people's right to vote during COVID and what are some of the things we ought to be thinking about?

Vanita Gupta [00:05:03]: Yeah, it's a really important question. Um, you know, in March, States started to postpone their primaries as COVID was really arriving on the United States shores. And we saw Louisiana and a slew of States postpone these primaries, and it was a wake up call for states to think about what they needed to do to be prepared come the November election. There's been a real push from the civil rights community to make sure that States have expanded voting by mail, because obviously a lot of people are afraid of going into polling places and the importance of vote by mail with the proper guardrails is really essential.

You need voting by mail where voters have prepaid postage so you avoid any kind of potential for a poll tax that prevents voters from exercising their right to vote. You need voters to be able to send their ballots. If they're postmarked on or by election day, they should be counted, and you want there to be secure drop boxes.

And then you want to make sure that you've got expanded in-person early voting because for a lot of communities, they are not comfortable voting by mail, or they may not, like Native American communities, have access to US postal services. You need to make sure that you're still preserving in-person voting, but you need expanded early in-person voting.

And that requires recruiting poll workers, and we can talk about that a little bit more. And then you need extended online voter registration. This is an unprecedented election, in the middle of a global pandemic, and we've got to be able to make sure that States have the rules in place.

We have to remember our democracy has been one where we have been able to have elections during the civil war, during the great depression, during the Spanish flu, this country knows how to do it with adequate preparation and Congress needs to be able to provide the funds to support the states in making these changes.

Joyce Vance [00:06:48]: Vanita, it seems like you just said the magic words there —  “with key preparation.” Are you seeing key preparation right now? What are your concerns as we head into November, and maybe talk a little bit about what you think needs to happen in the forthcoming COVID legislation in order to protect the vote.

Vanita Gupta [00:07:07]: So I think a lot of States have been making changes and that's been really crucial, and have been kind of adopting these rules changes for November, but not enough. And I am really concerned that we still have states that are creating and imposing harsh restrictions, including in your state, Joyce, and at the state of Alabama, where they're requiring a witness for absenteeism ballot applications at a time where, you know, we're all being told to social distance, and these kinds of barriers are going to be impediments for people to be able to vote by mail. 

So we're still seeing a lot of States that haven't made the necessary changes. We're pushing, there's a lot of movement to make that happen. But the next COVID package really matters. There was $400 million in the first CARES Act to support States making these changes, every state in the union actually asked for that money from the Election Assistance Commission, which is how the money was going out.

But I'm really worried as you all are and have been about the politicization of all of this. We're in a situation in this country that is at heightened polarization and division. And unfortunately we've had our president really attack this very legitimate voting method of voting by mail. What I'm gratified to see is that Secretaries of States around the country are resisting that politicization and trying to make the changes, but the next COVID package needs to have, uh, the additional $3.6 billion. 

That number comes from an extensive study that was done by the Brennan Center. States need money for PPE for poll workers, they need money for ballots security and ballot counting devices.

There's a whole slew of things that States need the money for, and right now the COVID package negotiations seem to be at an impasse. And so the question is, is the money going to come? And is it gonna come soon enough for States to be able to use it, to prepare for all of the changes that need financial support.

Jill Wine-Banks [00:09:08]: Vanita, how soon do the States need the money? The election is less than 90 days away. It seems to me that for them to implement anything that would be meaningful means they have to have it probably yesterday. 

Vanita Gupta [00:09:23]: Yes.

Jill Wine-Banks [00:09:24]: Is there any room for wiggle room on this or do they need it right away?

Vanita Gupta [00:09:28]:  I mean, the reality is when you talk to Secretaries of States, they say that they can put the money to use immediately. The HEROES Act, which the House passed over 10 weeks ago, contained this money and this funding, the Senate has not moved on any of this in the many weeks since.

But States are saying that they could use the money quite quickly and put it to work. A lot of the money that was in the HEROES Act, I think 50% was going directly to counties, which would expedite the process. But I will tell you Jill, that the States needed the money yesterday. We were all raising the alarm, and I was doing panels with Republican and Democratic Secretaries of States back in June about the fact that they needed these funds to help support the changes that they're making.

Now, the concern is, will the COVID package negotiations actually even happen this month? I just learned, but maybe some of you know more, that Mark Meadows is on vacation now with his wife. And that suggests that these negotiations now have been stymied and that there's this notion that the executive orders that the president put in place last weekend somehow are sufficient. They are by no means sufficient. And they contained zero allocations for the elections. 

And then of course, we should talk about the US Postal Service, which is also a very key part of both our economic and democratic infrastructure. Especially amid an election where so many more people, in many States the majority of voters, are going to be voting by mail and rely on the functioning of the US Postal Service.

Barbara McQuade [00:11:01]: Vanita, What's up with that? Why do you think President Trump seems to be determined to gut the postal service, knowing that that could wreak havoc on the election? Doesn't that hurt Republican voters just as much as other voters? I don't really get it. What do you think's going on there? 

Vanita Gupta [00:11:15]: Well, we all saw the tweet last week where the President suddenly reversed course after weeks attacking voting by mail, saying the election is going to be rigged, in my mind all of those tweets were really about trying to sow the seeds for delegitimizing an election that he could lose. But last week, suddenly he reversed course and said, ‘well, well actually though in the state of Florida voting by mail is going to work’ and literally acknowledged blatantly the politicization by saying it's because it'll work in Florida because Florida has a Republican governor.

That's not really how these things work. The same voting by mail system that exists in Florida exists in other States. And so, look, the President has really unfortunately politicized all of this. And the US Postal Service has fallen prey to it. There's no way to understand why the President put in place a donor with no real experience in anything related to the US Postal Service, who is now just under 90 days before the election making cuts that postal workers and leaders are very clearly crying out in alarm and saying these are causing significant delays in the mail. 

And it's really the COVID negotiations contains relief for the US Postal Service, which has been kind of a fiscal crisis for quite some time, really because of how it is structured. And we don't need to get into too many of these details, but it means that it's that much more incumbent, so long as we don't know when the US Postal Service could get this financial support, that States actually change the rules to make sure that ballots that are postmarked on or by election day are counted. I've been hearing folks yesterday on TV from Trump's campaign saying, well, that means that people are going to be able to vote after election day and ballots will be collected.

No, that's illegal. What states are doing, and every single state needs to do this, is to say that they will count any ballot that is postmarked on or by election day. So we have to resist this, like, fake narrative that is being ginned up, that if you allow that to happen, that means that people will be able to vote after election day.

The postmark has to be honored by, and States have done this, and done it for years with no problem. And every state in the union needs to do this.

Joyce Vance [00:13:36]: Vanita, I fear that a lot of the damage that's being done with the post office is that now that this narrative is out there about delays with the post office, people actually won't apply for absentee ballots.

I hear a lot of people telling me that they're worried about whether they'll get the ballot, they're worried about whether they'll be able to get it back in time. I hear what you're saying about any ballot that's mailed on election day should count, but in Alabama, your ballot has to be received five days before the election in order for it to count.

So what Trump is doing effectively actively again is, is sewing this narrative of confusion that could discourage people from voting. How do we fight back, given that that's already out there?

Vanita Gupta [00:14:20]: Well I think this is exactly right. And I didn't fully answer Barb's question, which is the irony here is that there's evidence that these kinds of tweets and posts by the President are actually dissuading Republican voters in rural communities  from voting and. My guess is that with the reversal, of course, with regards to his views on Florida's voting by mail, came from Governor DeSantis, probably telling him  it's going to be hurting him politically.

But I think on this question, Joyce of what you're talking about, this is why voter education right now is so incredibly important. The rules are changing and it is, it's a lot for voters to absorb, to understand what mechanisms are going to be available, how to apply for absentee ballots. In a state like New York in 2016, it was around 5% of voters were voting by mail, we're contemplating an election now where 60, 70% of voters could be voting by mail. And people don't know how to apply for the absentee ballot. They don't know where to drop them off, but voter education has to be on steroids. And what's really challenging about doing voter education at this moment is that the rules are still changing in real time.

So, the leadership conference has been doing a lot of advocacy with Facebook around what they are doing, or not doing, to fight voter suppression and give users accurate information in the face of very intentional disinformation campaigns and efforts to suppress the vote by politicians.

And they at our urging created this voter information center that is going to be providing its users in the United States with accurate, real time voter information about how the rules are changing. Secretaries of States are leading campaigns, nonprofit organizations are leading campaigns in every state to educate voters about how they can vote in this November election amid a pandemic. But these are some serious challenges. I'm not going to lie to you and all of you, or in States that are dealing with these things and Joyce with Alabama having the rules that it has, it would be great to hear from you actually for you to lay out.

Cause I think Alabama has got some of the greatest restrictions, and has not made sufficient changes for voting amid this pandemic. We've got a real huge task on our hands and it's why we are deploying every tactic we know to educate voters, influencers, celebrities, local and state elected officials.

The further you get from Washington, the more accurate sometimes the information can be, but you still are in States that where you do have Secretaries of States that are not trying to make it easier. And voter suppression and racial discrimination in voting has just been such a feature in our country, and I am very concerned about officials weaponizing COVID literally to make people sit at home and people forget that actually chilling political participation is one of the most dangerous forms of voter suppression that we have. And the ability to use the fear in this pandemic is really significant. And it's why when there was initially this push to say, every state needs to have voting by mail, and that's going to be the sole answer.

The civil rights community was saying, no, you have to preserve in-person voting and you have to expand it because there are too many communities that just culturally don't vote by mail or are going to continue to be afraid. And these kinds of disinformation campaigns are only going to fuel that. And so it's all gotta be a package to be able to have this work, but we still have a lot of work to do, and we still have to recruit poll workers.

You can't have polling places open or expanded when our typical poll workers are retiree, more vulnerable to the effects of COVID. And so now there's also a massive push we've been involved in Power the Polls to get younger folks to sign up to be poll workers, get them trained, get them hooked up with local and state election officials so they can be deployed in the weeks of, because this is really an election season, not an election day. 

Jill Wine-Banks [00:18:13]: Vanita. I'm so glad you mentioned that last point about recruiting some of the younger people, because one of the most common questions I get on my social media is, what can I as a citizen do? How can I participate? 

And is there any other things that people can actually do right now to help make sure that they can safely vote in this time of COVID? 

Vanita Gupta [00:18:34]: You can sign up to be a poll worker, go to powerthepolls.org. It's really important that your senators in particular, that you are engaging your senators and telling them how important it is that they fund the US Postal Service, that they put the elections money in the next COVID package, and that you expect a COVID package when people are literally dying in our communities without relief, and are suffering from joblessness. But a third thing, and I think this is really important, is all of us need to be voting early. Whether we decide to do it by absentee ballot, or whether we decide to do it in States that have early voting, vote as early as you can. Apply for your ballot. 

If you're doing this by absentee, figure it out, go to vote.org and find out how you can get an absentee ballot in your state. It's got it broken down for every state, apply for that ballot early. Fill out the application, figure out on vote.org, where the drop off, either is a secure drop off boxes are, or how you send it back by mail. And get that done that we relieve the pressure on November 3rd. And it is an uncomfortable thing because we are always trying to, you know, we're in a breaking news media culture. But it will be a mistake to call the election results based on in-person voting or to overestimate the in-person voting or the exit polls, because this election will be unlike any other and much higher percentages of people will be voting by mail.

And so the earlier we can all vote, the less pressure it puts on the system at the back end. And I think it'll actually enable election officials to do their job. And that's just incumbent on each of us. But I will say you've got to also check your registration right now. Don't wait until two weeks before when it may be too late to figure all of this out.

And then help educate your friends and family about these rules. We are all emissaries in our communities for these things. And it's really important that we are educated and educating our kind of nearest and dearest so that we can bring them along in this process. 

Jill Wine-Banks [00:20:30]: I just have one follow-up to that, which is this issue of the announcement that the States are going to have to pay 55 cents to mail the ballots, which have always been 20 cents, a special rate. Is there something that Congress can do? Is there something that people can do, or is this something that Donald Trump is going to get away with in terms of suppressing the vote by requiring that?

Vanita Gupta [00:20:53]: So, I think this is absolutely outrageous. So I know that Senator Schumer and the Democratic leadership that is involved in the negotiations has been really pushing back on the States right now — red and blue — are strapped for cash to say the very least. And to demand that private citizens, US citizens have to basically pay the cost for congressional inaction on supporting the US Postal Service.

Let me just repeat that the amount is like 25 Billion dollars. It's almost a rounding error in a certain way for the trillions of dollars that are going out to States, and that are kind of the basis for these COVID relief packages. Congress needs to do its job and actually fund the US Postal Service.

So that is an area where there's a lot of pressure right now being put on whether or not the Senate will successfully do this remains to be seen. It's why we need to put maximum pressure on it right now. But to think that private citizens will need to now defray these kinds of costs is completely absurd.

And yet it is a contingency that people are thinking about. I think in all likelihood there will be litigation on this issue as well. 

Barbara McQuade [00:22:05]: Vanita Gupta, thank you for joining us on Sisters in Law. You really point out that even though we've had the right for women to vote for a hundred years, we still need to fight for it every day, and we so appreciate all the work you're doing to fight for our right to vote. Thanks for being with us. 

Vanita Gupta [00:22:19]: Thank you. Thanks for having me. 

Joyce Vance [00:22:22]: It's a real honor to get to introduce to our listeners, Stanford law professor Pam Karlan, who you may remember from the House hearings on impeachment. Pam once told a group of law students that, although she has some regrets in life, “I don't ever regret being kind of snarky.” Her candor and directness, her commitment to speaking truth to power are simply legendary.

Pam is also one of the nation's leading experts on voting and the political process, among many other accomplishments. She's a former Deputy Assistant Attorney General for DOJ civil rights division and a Supreme Court Law Clerk to Justice Blackman. Pam, thanks for joining us and welcome to the podcast. We've got a lot of questions for you.

Pam Karlan [00:23:03]: Thanks so much for having me. It's just, it's great to be back with you and with Barb. And obviously Jill, I was like a fan of when I was small, I hoped to grow up to be Jill.

Joyce Vance [00:23:15]: This feels a little bit like old times at DOJ, talking about voting. So I'll start with a really basic question for you.

The President keeps insisting that voting by mail, even though the military has done it for years, and that the method of delivery has worked really well, is rife with fraud and he seems to insist that somehow voting by mail is different from absentee voting. Is there really a fraud problem here? Is there any truth to what he's saying?

Pam Karlan [00:23:41]: No, not really. People have been voting by mail since the civil war. I mean, the origins of voting by mail in the United States were that Lincoln did not want to have to bring the troops home from the field in 1864, because that would mean a risk of losing the civil war. And we've voted by mail since then in large numbers, I mean, this will be the largest vote by mail election in American history because so many people because of COVID, don't want to go to the polls in person. But there's no reason to think that there will be serious fraud. 

Barbara McQuade [00:24:10]: Pam, what do you think though? When Abraham Lincoln was president, we weren't worried about the president holding the postal service hostage. With President Trump, if he is killing off the postal service, can we feel assured that if we put our ballot in the mail, it's actually going to get counted? 

Pam Karlan [00:24:23]: Well, that's the real worry. It's not so much that voting by mail is problematic, it's that president Trump is trying to turn it into something problematic by starving the post office of funds, by suggesting to people that voting by mail isn't safe.

I mean, one thing I kind of hope that we can get across to the people who are listening to this is, if you can vote early, vote early. If you can vote in person early, and you're not concerned about it, do that. Because the idea is to get as many people voting as early as possible so that you don't have huge bottlenecks on election day itself.

Jill Wine-Banks [00:24:58]: Pam, given your background at the Department of Justice and the voting emphasis, is there anything that someone other than the Department of Justice, who is trying to undermine the election, some other organizations, some other entity that they could do in terms of litigation to protect the right of voters, to get their votes cast?

Pam Karlan [00:25:18]: I mean there's, there's litigation going on all over the country. There’s probably a hundred lawsuits right now, for everything ranging from challenges in some States to, in Joyce’s state of Alabama, the rule has always been, you have to get your absentee ballot notarized, which means you can't vote from home by yourself.

And so there's litigation going on over that, there's litigation going on to ensure that signature matching is done correctly, because one of the things that happens when you vote by mail is you have to sign, in most States, the outer envelope. So your vote is in an anonymous inner envelope, but you have to sign the outer envelope.

Sometimes people don't do that. Some states are really good about contacting voters on that, others aren't, and there's litigation going on, challenging the attempt in Florida to prevent the recently re-enfranchised former offenders from having the ability to vote. There's litigation in Texas over Texas's refusal to provide absentee ballots, to provide vote by mail ballots, to people under the age of 65, unless they meet a very narrow set of criteria.

So, there's litigation going on all over the country. It's being brought by nonprofit, non partisan groups, like the NAACP Legal Defense Fund, or MALDEF, or the Campaign Legal Center, it's being brought by the political parties. When you see a case that's ostensibly about voting rights and the title of the case has Republican national committee against democratic national committee.

You know, that this is a kind of a full employment act for lawyers. 

Joyce Vance [00:26:43]: You know, Pam, I think there's so much confusion about how this is going to work largely because we don't really have one national election. We've really got 50 States and the military and some territories conducting elections under different rules.

But given this really bizarre intersection of the COVID pandemic, With the election, what should States be doing to protect the right to vote? What would it look like if we were a country where our elected officials were fully engaged in guaranteeing the right to vote in this moment? 

Pam Karlan [00:27:14]: So there are a bunch of States where the elected officials, and this is true of both democratic and Republican officials, are committed to making sure that everybody has the right to vote. And so, for example, in California, where I live the Secretary of State is mailing ballots to every registered voter at their registration address. And you have the option of mailing that ballot back. But by now you have the option of dropping it off at various government office buildings. You have the ability to show up on election day at the polls and turn it in.

And if you make a mistake, you can go and get another ballot. So that's one way of doing things. A second thing that a number of jurisdictions have done, is they have relaxed the requirements for getting a vote by mail ballot. So, there were some places where you used to need one of a narrow set of excuses, and they've defined that to now include fear of catching COVID.

So, anybody who wants to vote by mail can do it. Early voting has been very powerful in a number places, particularly in some parts of the South with regard to the African American community, they like early voting because you can go and vote and get assistance from your pastor or from community members.

So ‘souls to the polls’ is what it's sometimes referred to as cause you can do early voting on a Sunday. And that also means that the lines are going to be shorter on election day because a lot of people will have voted before then. States are making all kinds of efforts to make sure that they can get poll workers on election day.

Because one of the things you probably have noticed, if you've voted in person recently, is poll workers tend to be older Americans. And those are folks who are at particular risk. So, there are places that are, for example, recruiting young people to be poll workers, and learning how to sanitize polls, making sure that the poll workers have PPE so that they don't get it. Nobody used to think that you had to disinfect a voting machine between every voter, but now you really do have to do that stuff.

I know Secretaries of State have been meeting on these things, county election officials have been meeting on them, so there's a lot that can be done. A lot of it requires money though. And that's one of the things that is really a problem is Congress has kind of been starving the States of money at a time when they really need funds to ensure that we get an election that works.

Barbara McQuade [00:29:22]: Well, you have to wonder why is it that people want to make it harder and not easier to vote? You know, we were at the Justice Department together when the Supreme Court decided the Shelby County v. Holder case.

And maybe you could talk about that a little bit, but it seems like ever since then, we've seen all of these efforts in States to have ID laws and gerrymandering and other kinds of things that are making it harder for people to vote. 

Pam Karlan [00:29:43]: Yeah. Well, you know, when you say you got to wonder why, President Trump kind of told you why he said, if everybody in the country voted, the Republicans would never win another election.

And so there are two ways of winning an election. One is to get your people out, and the other is to prevent people who are unlikely to vote for you to show up at the polls. My view is right now in large parts of the country, the Republican party thinks it will not win an election if every eligible voter can vote.

So you try to make sure that they don't, and get rid of early voting. You get rid of same day registration. You have ID laws and, it's not just that they’re ID laws, they’re ID laws where they pick. In some of these States, they pick the kinds of IDs you can use based on which ones they think Democrats have and which one's Republicans have.

So, in Texas, the legislature passed a law where, you know, and you'll remember this cause we were at DOJ, when DOJ challenged it, they passed a law that said you couldn't use your student ID from the University of Texas. You couldn't use your government ID as a city worker in Houston, but you could use your concealed carry permit, where's that coming from?

So, you don't have to wonder, you have to be appalled, right? 

Jill Wine-Banks [00:30:47]: Why aren't Republicans outraged by this as much as Democrats? I mean, it's so blatantly apparent that this is a political action to prevent Democrats from casting their ballots, it's targeting poor and minority communities in terms of removing polling places and mailboxes. It's removing mailboxes in blue districts, even in red states and blue states, and not in the red states. So why hasn't any Republican said, this is democracy's finest moment in terms of our right to vote. What can we do to get Republicans to join the fight, to protect voting in less than 80 days now?

Pam Karlan [00:31:27]: So, the two things going on there Jill, one is you gotta separate like the average person out there on the street from the political folks who are in control of the purse strings and the election. So, I'll give you one example of that, that I find incredibly powerful. 65% of voters in Florida voted to re-enfranchise ex-offenders.

And if you just look at the number of Democrats and Republicans in Florida, that means like 35 or 40% of Republican voters voted to re-enfranchise people once they have completed their sentence. And then the Florida legislature, which is controlled by Republicans, tries to make it really, really, really difficult for those ex-offenders to register and cast a ballot. And the Florida government, which is controlled by Republicans, basically says, we won't be able to tell these people until 2026 whether they're eligible to vote or not. Right, so they're gonna lose their right to vote for six years, even though Republican people on the street supported their right to vote.

So, the first thing is to kind of separate that out. The second thing is you recognize that people's understanding comes from the media they watch. And so if you watch the President and Fox news and they just keep screaming fraud, fraud, fraud, you get worried about fraud and you don't think about the importance of every citizen should have the right to cast a ballot and have that ballot counted.

I'm not sure that it's really a Republican democratic thing in the electorate as a whole, lots of Republican voters have been voting, especially older Republican voters have been voting by mail for a decade now. So it's not like they vote by mail, but they've got a President who's telling them every day that the election is going to be stolen, and who is simultaneously trying to steal the election in various ways. And, we're just a very divided country right now. 

Jill Wine-Banks [00:33:17]: We are. And hopefully we can get the message out to Republican voters that their vote is being taken away too, that democracy is suffering from it and that they must hold their government accountable to this, their representatives, their congressmen, their local, state officials, all of them.

Pam Karlan [00:33:34]: And when you start with the post office, you're not just starving people's ability to vote, you're starving their ability to get their medications, you're starving their ability to get letters from their loved ones while they're in COVID and everything. And you would think people would recognize that the post office is not just for Democrats, the post office is for everybody.

Joyce Vance [00:33:54]: Pam, we've talked a lot about mail-in voting and why it makes sense, but even with that enhanced opportunity to vote by mail, and leaving aside the post office controversy for a minute, a lot of people still want to vote in person. Can you explain why that is and why it's important for us to maintain both in-person and mail-in opportunities to vote?

Pam Karlan [00:34:14]: Sure. So, some people want to vote in person because they actually need assistance to vote. Either they are limited English proficiency, or they have a physical disability, or they have concerns about whether their vote will actually get counted. So those folks, they need to vote in person. In some States which have same day registration, some people aren't registered.

And you can't vote by mail if you're not already registered, but you can go on election day, register, and cast a ballot. And so some people do it for that reason. There's a tradition in some parts of the black community in the South where they're just worried. They want to see their vote go into the ballot box.

And this gives them that assurance. And you know, California has long been a no excuse, absentee voting state. And lots of people here vote obviously by mail. I like to vote in person because there's just something powerful about going and standing in a line, one hopes for not too long, and being part of a kind of citizenry that's getting together on this one day.

It's not that I think we should be running our elections completely by mail, although it's perfectly fine to do that. I mean, Colorado has done that for awhile, Oregon, Washington, Utah do that. But people should have options, make it as easy for people to vote in a way that they're comfortable with.

Joyce Vance [00:35:34]: Pam, I feel a lot the same way about voting. I've actually dragged a little bit applying for my absentee ballot. I will use Alabama's new, no excuse absentee voting provision to vote this year. But I'm grieving that loss of full participation in this tradition where my neighbors and I will line up when the polling place opens, we go in, we vote, we get the sticker and it's a proud moment for me.

And I think at the risk of sounding a little bit sappy and a little bit sentimental, I'll just say that I hope something that comes out of this is that people really do appreciate that we have the right to vote in this country. That it's not a privilege, it's a right. And that any elected officials that are working to keep us from voting are really not worthy of the votes that we're going to cast this fall.

Jill Wine-Banks [00:36:22]: And I'd add to that, Joyce, that it's not just a privilege and a right. It is a responsibility. That's what democracy depends on. But Pam, I also wanted to go back to something you said, which was about some of the hurdles and why people want to vote in person.

It seems to me that there are workarounds, there are hacks for every one of the problems you raise so that someone with a physical disability or with limited English, for example, can get help at home. No one is preventing that. So if you need a translator, you could get someone to come in and it's certainly as safe to have one person masked In your home, helping you as it would be to have someone at the polling place where there are other people. 

Is there anything illegal about solving it that way, rather than forcing people who need assistance to go to a polling place where it may be dangerous?

Pam Karlan [00:37:11]: No, the Federal Voting Rights Act allows you to have assistance from any person you want, and they can go into the voting booth with you even, except for a representative of your employer or your union. So, otherwise, general volunteers, poll workers; States have, there've been a bunch of States which have for a while, for example, done curbside voting for people with disabilities so they don't have to come into the polling place. 

So that can, that can be an option. There are all sorts of websites, a good Secretary of State's website or a good County election officials website will tell people how they can get assistance. Some of the states that have gone to complete vote by mail have come up with ways of assisting people, for example, who are in long-term care facilities and the like. So there, there are obviously work arounds for having to go and stand in line at the polls. And, you know, even just a little thing, like allowing people to pick a time. And make essentially a reservation to go and vote would make the lines less long. Right? If you knew that you only had to stand in line for a half hour, if you signed up to vote at 6:00 PM or vote at 3:00 PM or the like. So it's not that it's not that we can't solve this problem.

I mean, You know, we put people on the moon. We got rid of smallpox. This is not rocket science like the first, or medical science like the second, but it takes, I mean, this goes back to Joyce’s point. It takes political will on the part of government officials to do this. And it takes political will on our part to show up and vote, even if it means standing in line, even if it means making sure weeks in front of the election that you request an absentee ballot.

Barbara McQuade [00:38:44]: Like all of you, I love showing up on election day among my neighbors and casting my vote in person. But this year I'm not doing it because I want to free up space for those who need to go to the polls, I'm getting an absentee ballot but Pam, I'm interested in a different concern, and that is even though it is Congress who sets election day, President Trump never ceases to shock me. And I wonder if he doesn't have some trick up his sleeve to postpone the election in light of COVID-19.

Pam Karlan [00:39:10]: He actually doesn't have the power to postpone the election. 

Barbara McQuade [00:39:13]: Uh, that hasn't stopped him before. 

Pam Karlan [00:39:14]: I know. I mean, this goes back to something Joyce was saying earlier, we have this incredibly decentralized system. It's not really even just 50 elections. It's probably closer to like several thousand elections because in most States, a County election officials are actually running the election.

There are all sorts of things I'm worried about with this election. I don't think that postponing the election will work for a couple of reasons. One is a huge number of people already have voted by election day, precisely because they're voting by mail or they're doing early voting.

So then it's not as if there's just one day and you only have to postpone eight hours. You'd have to postpone an awful lot of stuff. And I think that the political backlash to that would be so huge that I find it hard to, you know, nothing's impossible, but I find it hard to imagine that we're not going to have the election.

And the other thing to keep in mind is whether we have the election or not, it's absolutely clear under the constitution that at noon on January 20th, this presidential term ends. And unless he has won a majority in the electoral college, he has to leave office then. 

Barbara McQuade [00:40:22]: Yeah. And then who do you think becomes President? Because I know we hear a lot of people say Nancy Pelosi, but if there's no election, she doesn't get reelected either. 

Pam Karlan [00:40:29]: Well, the interesting question is when you say, ‘if there's no election’, that depends on each Secretary of State and my guess for what it's worth is that there will be an election in California and people will be certified as having won that election in California, regardless of what happens in the White House.

Barbara McQuade [00:40:48]: So, Nancy Pelosi will be the speaker, and maybe that is the specter that keeps President Trump from even exploring this idea.

Pam Karlan [00:40:55]: Well, she’ll be the speaker if a majority of the people who are sworn into the House of Representatives on January 3rd are Democrats. Right now she's the speaker, she'll be the speaker if the Democrats control the House of Representatives. 

Jill Wine-Banks [00:41:08]: Well, you've just given me great hope because it seems obvious that the County clerks in all the blue areas will go ahead with the election. And if any Republicans decide to postpone the election, then you'll have a lot more blue votes. We would take the House and the Senate, because the only votes cast are going to be the blue areas. 

Pam Karlan [00:41:29]: But then there's this weird complication, which is the elections are run at the County level. But in most States, the Secretary of State or somebody like that signs the election certificates.

So you've got some States. I mean, Barb is in one of these States, Michigan, where you've got a Democratic governor, but the Republicans still control the legislature. I'm working on a book review right now, this book by Lawrence Douglas called Will He Go, which is about like all the different disastrous scenarios you kind of have.

And then the question of what happens. It's a kind of doomsday book, and then of course there've been like 40 more doomsday scenarios since the book was written. If you have a complete and utter election meltdown, it's a little hard to know exactly what happens because you could have, for example, some States where it's pretty clear that a majority of the voters voted for Joe Biden, but the state legislature then decides, ‘we don't think the election worked fairly, so we're going to appoint the electors and we're going to appoint the electors that are pledged to Donald Trump.’ 

Well, what happens then? I try to retain my semi-optimism. There's a margin of error in every election, and what you really want is for the margin of error to be less than the margin of victory.

Jill Wine-Banks [00:42:34]: Doesn't all of this confusion and these possible scenarios play into the President's narrative that people can't trust the outcome of the election, that the election could be stolen from him. That there could be fraud. And how do we help the American people retain confidence in the process? Does the process deserve our confidence?

And if so, how do we help ourselves, as a country, move forward with confidence after what is certain to be a really hotly contested election? 

Pam Karlan [00:43:04]: That is a tough question to answer Joyce, because we've never had a Presidential candidate before for a major party who basically says before the election, ‘I'm not going to accept the outcome of this election, unless I'm the winner.

And even then, I'm not going to accept that many people didn't vote for me.’ Right. I mean, even in the 2016 election, he won't admit something which is demonstrably true, which is more Americans voted for Hillary Clinton than voted for him. And he won the election because we use the electoral college, but he can't admit even that he didn't win the popular vote.

And he is not going to admit that he lost this time around. So how we get beyond this moment in talking about voting is a really important question. And it's a question that I think, you know, some of it's going to be answered by the election itself. If he loses hugely, he, and some of his supporters will claim it's been fraudulent, but most people will accept the result. If it's a very close election, lots of people will think that whoever won, won unfairly. And if he wins the election, lots of people will think he won the election because he suppressed the vote. I mean, it's a kind of irony that because he's done so much to challenge the integrity of the election, people are not going to think he won the election fair and square, regardless of what happens.

Jill Wine-Banks [00:44:26]: Does history offer us any guidance about how as a country we handled this situation. Or is this just totally unprecedented in our country's history? 

Pam Karlan [00:44:35]: So there have been really close elections where there was a real question about fraud. I mean, Jill is in Chicago, right, and, in 1960, there's a real question whether John F. Kennedy won Illinois fair and square. Richard Nixon, graciously said, I'm not going to challenge the results of the election. In 2000, there was a real question of who won in Florida, and even after the national research council did hand recounting of the ballots it depended on what rule you used, who was going to win that election or not. But after the Supreme Court spoke and Florida certified it’s electoral votes for George Bush, Al Gore said, ‘I'm going to accept the decision of the Supreme Court.’ So, the last time we had an election where there wasn't acceptance was the election of 1876, where there was huge amounts of violence.

This was the election at the very end of Reconstruction. There was violence at the polls in Louisiana and in a couple of the other Southern States, we ended up with a commission deciding that Rutherford Hayes rather than Samuel Tilden won, it led to the compromise that ended the first Reconstruction in the South and made necessary the second Reconstruction.

And we're probably going to need a third Reconstruction after that. We've had elections in the past where the outcome has not been clear. And the most recent two in 1960 and 2000, the person who ultimately was declared the loser, accepted that in a way that allowed the country to move forward.

Donald Trump is not going to accept the outcome, it wouldn't matter if he lost every single state. He'll just say it's fraud. 

Jill Wine-Banks [00:46:13]: That's an awfully depressing note to close on. So, I hope that after the election is over and we're on the other side, we'll have a chance to get back together with you again, Pam, and do an after-analysis and discuss the fact that the American election system has held, that the institutions have held, and that we're ready to move forward.

But obviously this is a difficult moment in our history and it's not possible to sugarcoat it. So I thank you for being so flat out and so honest with us about this very difficult time we're about to go through. 

Pam Karlan [00:46:44]: I'll just end it with something that I think is kind of hopeful maybe, which is, when Congress went back into session, I think this was maybe in 2010 or 2012, the members of the House of Representatives all stood up and they read the entire Constitution piece by piece. And it was first come first serve for all of the sections of the Constitution, except there was one where it wasn't and that was, they let John Lewis read the 13th, the Amendments.

And if you think  about what John Lewis faced in his life, and you think about what voting looked like when he was the age of the people who are just going to vote for the first time in this election. It was nothing like where we are today. And so it's important to recognize that voting makes a difference, and people can make a difference by voting.

Jill Wine-Banks [00:47:30]: I think those are words of wisdom for this time. Pam Karlan, thank you so much for being with us on the Sisters in Law episode of the Talking Feds podcast. We really appreciate it. 

Pam Karlan [00:47:40]: Oh, thanks for having me.

Jill Wine-Banks [00:47:45]: Thanks so much Pam and Vanita for joining us to commemorate the 100th anniversary of the passage of the 19th Amendment. Voting rights have come a long way in 100 years, but we still have so much work to do. Thanks to my Sisters in Law, Joyce Vance and Barbara McQuade. Stay tuned next week for part 2 of this special series with Sherilyn Eiffel, lawyer and President and Director Consult of the NAACP Legal Defense Fund. In the meantime, please remember to register for your mail in ballot, and vote early. And we’d love it if you’d tweet a photo of yourself voting, with #SistersInLaw. See you next time.

KAMALA: GAME ON!

Harry Litman [00:00:00]: Hey everybody, Harry here with a quick note on what’s new on our Patreon site. Continuing with our summer book club series, we have my discussion with Jeff Toobin, author of True Crimes and Misdemeanors, an examination of the Mueller probe, but also the impeachment and Covid. And, soon to come, a 1-on-1 with Elie Honig about the whole post office debacle. Okay, here’s our episode, hope you like it.

Harry Litman [00:00:36]: Welcome to Talking Feds, a round table that brings together prominent former federal officials and special guests for a dynamic discussion of the most important political and legal topics of the day. I'm Harry Litman. It's game on: after a prolonged process involving up to a dozen candidates, the Biden campaign settled on the candidate to share the ticket — who had been the betting favorite throughout — Senator Kamala Harris of California. Early returns were upbeat. Harris seemed to excite the faithful and generated a spike in contributions. She used her first speech as nominee to excoriate president Trump as a “guy who just isn’t up for the job” close quote.

The president countered by calling Harris nasty and then sticking her with a patented Trump nickname, “phony Kamala”. Over the course of the week, Trump and his allies signaled some of the tactics they intend to employ in the campaign. First, the president has identified as public enemy number one, mail in voting, which he insists with scant or no evidence will perpetrate one of the greatest frauds in history. 

So, he's resisting any measure that facilitates it, including a bailout for his own broken post office. Former president Obama accused Trump at week’s end of trying to kneecap the post office to suppress the vote. Trump also appeared to give some credence to the half-baked idea, floated by a former Harris opponent, that Harris ,who was born in Oakland, California is ineligible to be president because of her parents' immigration status when she was born.

That notion quickly picked up considerable steam among the darker recesses of the internet. And Republican Senator Ron Johnson of Wisconsin was preparing to dive anew into the allegations involving Burisma and Hunter Biden, and others that were at the core of the impeachment of the president. Johnson let slip in a local radio interview that his investigation “would certainly help Donald Trump win reelection.”

So, this was the week when the country took a strong pivot toward November and the competing tickets started to establish the themes they will be running on over the next 85 or so days. And to unpack both the Harris selection and the emerging themes that will dominate the news between now and November, we have a stellar panel.

First, Jonathan Alter joins Talking Feds for the first time. Jonathan's a columnist at the daily beast and a contributor at NBC News. He's written for basically every major publication in the country and authored four books, including The Defining Moment: FDR's Hundred Days and the Triumph of Hope and The Promise: President Obama, Year One.

He is currently just about finished with his next book, Jimmy Carter: A Life, which will be available this fall and which you can now already preorder on Amazon. Jonathan cohosts the Alter Family Politics radio show with his wife and children. Jon, welcome to talking Feds.

Jonathan Alter [00:03:43]: Thanks very much, Harry. Good to be here.

Harry Litman [00:03:45]: Next, returning to Talking Feds, Joe Lockhart, Joe is a CNN political analyst, a communications consultant, and a host himself of the Words Matter podcast.

He was the Press Secretary for President Clinton from 1998 to 2000, a fairly active and challenging juncture. And he was a founder of the communications consulting firm Glover park group thereafter also worked for Facebook from 2011 to 2012 and was Executive Vice President of Communications and Public Affairs for the NFL from 2016 to 2018. Thanks for being here, Joe. 

Joe Lockhart [00:04:23]: Glad to be here, Harry, 

Harry Litman [00:04:24]: And finally, a well-known figure to all Talking Feds fans and much of the country, Asha Rangappa. Asha is a senior lecturer at the Yale University Jackson Institute for Global Affairs, and a CNN contributor. She was an FBI agent previously in New York city, specializing in counterintelligence investigations. Asha, thanks so much, always a pleasure to have you on Talking Feds. 

Asha Rangappa [00:04:48]: It's good to be back. Harry 

Harry Litman [00:04:49]: Alright, let’s start a little bit with the Harris selection itself. So, she was the frontrunner in a lot of ways, yet there were recurrent signs of opposition in the Biden camp and a sense that she couldn't quite close the deal and Biden kept circling back to other possibilities.

What was that about? What was the sort of resistance to Harris until the very end, anybody?

Jonathan Alter [00:05:16]: Well, my sense was that it was because there were a lot of California Democrats who were telling the Biden search team that they didn't like her very much. And, you know, it's hard to know how much of that is the normal cut and thrust of politics in a big state, and how much of it was something that Biden needed to take seriously. And then arguably that the chief person in charge of the selection process, former Senator Chris Dodd, it came out that he was clearly opposed to selecting Harris and he pushed Karen Bass, who made a, kind of a late bid for this.

And, you know, for a while it seemed like she might get it. But then all these trips she made to Cuba and nice things she said about Fidel Castro and the church of Scientology surfaced. And then Susan Rice also came on pretty strong because she had such a good relationship with Biden and she and he could have hit the deck running and, she would help him restore America's global standing because of her experience in government, but when it came down to it, Harris checked the most boxes and Rice had not run for office before. Bass had those problems with what she had said, and the other candidates had one shortcoming or another. So, they circled back to Harris, which is where they had essentially begun.

Harry Litman [00:06:34]: It's true in California where I live, there was this definite sense of tepidness, maybe some opposition among the progressive wing, but what was the nature if you know of the raps against her, if anybody like Dodd was putting concrete reasons to the opposition. What was it at one point, just as John says, Biden turned to his staff and said, ‘do people not like her in California? What is sort of going on?’ And he, of course, hadn’t had the greatest relationship with her in the campaign when she trashed him pretty good on stage, but what was the actual concrete nature of the opposing arguments?

Jonathan Alter [00:07:12]: Well first, when, when she said, ‘and that little girl was me’ and, you know, it was a very personal attack on Biden early on, which when Chris Dodd, questioned her about it, according to published reports, she did not answer the question in a way that he found satisfactory. She said, well, it was just politics.

And I think Dodd was looking for more of an apology or, ‘I'm sorry that I did that to Joe’ and Joe's sister, uh, Valerie Biden — who everybody's going to know, if he's elected — very important figure in his life, very powerful figure. She and Jill Biden, his wife, were not thrilled about the way Harris had taken down their guy. 

And, but Biden, I think really showed something by looking past that. It's a generosity of spirit that he has, that a lot of people really appreciate. And that compensates for some of his shortcomings is that, you know, he is a good guy who can look beyond that. I think inside California, it was a combination of her just having kind of sharp elbows on the way up.

In her first campaign for DA, she ran against her boss. And so she, over a period of time, especially if you're moving fast, and I don't think this really has anything to do with race, you're just going to offend a certain number of people and pretty much everyone that she offended called somebody in the Biden campaign

Harry Litman [00:08:32]: I mean I can report, just as a prosecutor, you know, prosecutors talk and there's a sense among them of which bosses are there to do right and only right, and which are there in part to feather their own nest. And you heard whispers of that regard.

Joe, what do you think about, early on the rap was you heard about her supposedly over harsh, um, record as a DA in particular. Well, both DA and AG, but she seemed to try to inoculate herself against that charge with her extremely strong identification with the Black Lives Matter movement and the aftermath of Minneapolis.

Do you think she's kind of shaken that charge off of her, for permanent? 

Joe Lockhart [00:09:17]: Yeah. Let me, I want to make one comment first about California Democrats. I think you can describe their hostility towards her in one word, which is envy. These are people who have been in the trenches for a very long time and she's made a meteoric rise, and you know, has never lost and, has just gone by people that feel like they should have been in front of that line, and I think that it was a lot of it. And I also think, she started as the front runner and I don't ever think she was not the front runner. I think the Biden people, uh, were smart to throw a bunch of names out there and see what people said and see how it was covered. Because the worst thing you can do is have surprises after you've made the pick.

So they, they were okay with people going after her, and I think they're very satisfied with the pick. On the second question, I mean, it's very tough for Donald Trump, who's running a law and order campaign, to criticize her for being too tough on crime. So I don't think that it's an issue that the president will be able to take advantage of.

And among Democrats, I really feel like it's forgotten. You know, I watched the announcement and I watched it as a former campaign staffer, nervous that everything would come off all right. And, would the mic work and how would it look? How would it feel?

The speech seemed good. I went back and watched it a second time, not worried and the speech seemed historic and powerful, and I think that's what Democrats wanted. I think there was a collective sigh of relief among Democrats all across this country that Biden had gotten it right, that Harris is the right choice. And I don't think Democrats by and large are going to worry much about that criticism and the Republicans are going to have a really hard time making it themselves.

Harry Litman [00:10:54]: Yeah, I'm anticipating what it already looks like. Biden himself, but then Trump and Pence, they look like dottering dinosaurs from another era. And here you have this candidate who seems to just embody. Modern America and all its diversity, right. The whole tableau seemed to come when she hit the stage with him and I think that will contrast pretty markedly with Trump and Pence who just suddenly seem out of the 1950s or something. Asha, did you see her speech? And did you have, the same impression of vitality that, my sense is Democrats in general had?

Asha Rangappa [00:11:34]: I saw clips of it and I completely agree with Joe.

I mean, she just exudes an energy. I mean, she, she glows. It's also partly the contrast, right? I mean, next to, you know, Humpty Dumpty over here, Trump and Pence...

Harry Litman [00:11:47]: Wait, Humpty Dumpty is Trump and Pence?

Joe Lockhart [00:11:49]: Pence is the wall. Trump is Humpty Dumpty, 

Asha Rangappa [00:11:51]: I think Biden's cool, but he's like kind of cool in the way that boomers are sometimes try to be cool driving their old car or whatever, but she's like 

Joe Lockhart [00:12:02]: Careful, Asha!

Harry Litman [00:12:03]: We all resemble that remark.

Asha Rangappa [00:12:04]: I know, we’re the wrong group on this. She has that gen X kind of hip vibe, you have clips of her dancing, you know, and then also being able to be tough for questioning in committees and stuff. As we get closer to the election, because I think this was, I wouldn't say it was downplayed, it was just kind of secondary, her being half Indian, I think is significant. I mean, my parents are Indian and my dad was a lifelong Republican. He is a doctor, there's an organization called American Association of Physicians from India. And this is like a huge group that Republicans go every year to this huge conference and give speeches and stuff, because this is like a major, I guess, voting block, donor block,

I don't know, Joe probably has a better sense of that. They're going to claim her. I mean, it doesn't really matter whether she identifies yes, strongly and I, you know, I think she's acknowledged it, but they are going to claim her. And I think it's a part of the immigrant story that you see success when somebody from your group makes it.

Jonathan Alter [00:13:06]: It's a really interesting question I've been looking for in some of the stories I should have searched for it, but it could be that it is a new voting block. My understanding is that in the past, it has not been reliably for one party or the other. And we might look back on this election as a time when a pretty significant voting block, uh, I mean, not as large as blacks or Latinos, but, but considerable, moved into the democratic column. That would be a big thing.

Asha Rangappa [00:13:33]: One thing to note is it was the demographic that Trump actively courted in 2016. I don't know if he did for other groups, but he definitely did. He went to some big ‘Hindus for Trump’ event, gave a big speech. “I love the Hindu.” Literally. He said, ‘I love the Hindu’, made a campaign, ad where he tried to speak Hindi. I don't know if he was doing that across the board. I don't think so. So there is at least some part of that demographic and I think that there are some synergies there, right?

Modi in India is basically the Indian Trump. And so some of these trans-national policies, maybe older generation Indians have some sympathy with, and I think that probably the younger generations lean Democratic would be my sense. I don't know that that's necessarily taken for granted.

Jonathan Alter [00:14:20]: I was just going to say in 2016, Trump was going for the anti Muslim vote. So that's why he was cozying up to, uh, Hindus. Modi has been very hard on Muslims but, so that might not work for him this time. That's one less constituency that he can go after. It's just interesting. And in some ways, a new demographic group, I mean, you saw her, at least in terms of voting analysis, you saw her described as an Asian American candidate, which I think was confusing in the last few days for a lot of Americans, they don't see her as Asian.

So this is not very smart, people on a news desk somewhere kind of melding South Asian with Asian and throwing her in, lumping her in.

Asha Rangappa [00:15:04]: Which the census and government check boxes have done for years.

Jonathan Alter [00:15:11]: Right. Which is why it's harder to dis-aggregate how big a voting block this is. But I'm certain Chinese Americans, Japanese Americans don't consider her the, not that they’re hostile to her, but they don't consider her one of them.

So this is a different group and we don't know. It is really pretty historic. I mean, so far we've had Geraldine Ferraro in 1984 and Sarah Palin in 2008 and then Hillary Clinton at the top of the ticket in 2016. But we're just into this realm of women on national tickets and women have had the votes is 1919

Harry Litman [00:15:43]: The hundredth anniversary is in a couple of days, yeah. 

Jonathan Alter [00:15:45]: Kind of amazing that it has taken us this long. And so I do think that some of what's going on, and Joe knows this much better than I do, these elections tend to be about the future. Which candidate is best capturing the future that you want for you and your family? And even when Trump ran a restorationist candidate — “Make America Great Again” —  in some ways it was, ‘I want the future to be more like the past’, it was still a message about the future. And Trump and Pence haven't laid out any kind of agenda for a second term. They have no vision at all about where they want to take the country. So, I think just on the freshness focus on the future front, this was a very good choice.

Harry Litman [00:16:27]: Especially with the president who's going to be 78. Oldest president ever on the first day, but let's stick with Trump for one more second. She has been the front runner all this time, presumably they'd been sharpening their knives as sharp as they can make them. And what he comes out of the box with is “Phony Kamala.” Now, it's not even clear to me what he's trying to get at, but what is he signaling? If anything, with that little nickname about how he's going to try to position that ticket to run against her. 

Joe Lockhart [00:16:58]: Well, I think it's been remarkable how uncoordinated the Republicans have been going after it. If you believe published reports, the campaign wanted to paint her as an ultra liberal socialist and were undermined by the president himself who painted her as a nasty woman.

She's been called a Marxist, she’s been called...a couple of people tried the too tough on crime, won't fly in the black community, but you haven't had a coherent attack on her. I expect they'll get there eventually, but coming out of the box, they've reacted very poorly only because you could probably ask all of us, what do you think the attack is?

And we'd give you three different answers. So that means it's failed. I want to come back just for a minute though, to the point Asha was making about Indian voters. Historically, Indian voters have been more Republican than Democrats. Democratic voters have been more within the Pakistani community cause that reflected our foreign policy priorities. That has changed over the last five to 10 years with some of the problems we've had with Pakistan. But what's really interesting as someone who worked for Michael Dukakis, for quite a long time, ethnic or religious based groups can serve an oversized role, not just in their votes, but with their money.

Anyone who covered Michael Dukakis went to every Greek diner in America, I can tell you the menu in every city and it became like a fundraising base for him. And it's a new source of money for Biden and the Democrats. And I think it might be a very significant source of money because as Asha was saying, there's an identification that wasn't there before.

It hasn't been talked about much, but when we look back on this, I think that might be a significant factor in where we turn out in November. 

Jonathan Alter [00:18:36]: Well, the money thing was very interesting. They raised $48 million in the first 48 hours for the democratic ticket, which is a lot of money.

And there's more where that came from, a lot of those people didn't max out. So what this means is that, it indicates that the Democrats might be able to, really direct some of their resources to getting the Senate back because Biden won't get anything done as president, unless the Democrats win the Senate.

So, I think some of those folks will also recognize that and, and you're going to see these races in these, uh, battleground Senate States be even more competitive than they are now. 

Joe Lockhart [00:19:15]: I think one of the things that you have to look at and take one step back from the excitement of the VP announcement is VPs generally don't have that big of a factor in the general election. 

The last time one was a significant factor was 1960 with John Kennedy and LBJ, but they do have a couple of things they need to do. One is pull off if the announcement properly, don't stumble in the days afterwards by saying something silly or wrong, and Harris so far has been perfect.

Second, you need to use that as an inflection point for raising money and they've blown it out of the park on that. And then third is the debate, and that's the one thing we have ahead of us. But my guess is, by the time the Democratic Convention is over and we get to the Republican Convention, we're not going to be talking about Pence and Harris that much, this election is about Donald Trump and only Donald Trump.

It's important to get this right. They got it right, but we're going to be fighting about other things I think in September and October.

Harry Litman [00:20:11]: That’s a good point. Although a lot of people, including me already circled October 7th and are going to eagerly tune in to see Kamala take it to Pence. 

Joe Lockhart [00:20:20]: The example I'll give you is, Lloyd Bentsen made Dan Quayle look like a stuttering child, Lloyd Benson never became vice president. So we should take all of this with a little bit of perspective about what it does mean and, and what it doesn't mean. 

Jonathan Alter [00:20:35]: Tell people, Joe, what he said. Cause it was pretty, pretty amusing. I was covering politics for Newsweek in those days.

I was at that debate. And Quayle had made some reference to John F. Kennedy.

Joe Lockhart [00:20:45]: He had compared himself to John Kennedy. 

Jonathan Alter [00:20:46]:  Yeah. And so when, when he compared himself to Kennedy, Lloyd Benson said, ‘I knew Jack Kennedy. Jack Kennedy was a friend of mine. Senator, you're no Jack Kennedy.’ Y’know it was just like, whoa. Knock-out punch.

Harry Litman [00:21:04]: He was just, he was so ready for it. 

Alright well, speaking of Newsweek magazine, that's a good pivot, John, for the kinds of possible in lieu of whatever attacks on Kamala they could otherwise make, we are seeing aspects of I think what you could loosely call disinformation campaign that are maybe going to get purchase or maybe not. But let's, let's give at least a couple minutes to this new kerfuffle about, uh, the article in Newsweek.

It was written by an actual law professor, although also a former opponent of Kamala Harris and Newsweek neglected to mention it. But the argument is, Kamala Harris was born in Oakland, and the constitution says that anyone who is a natural born US citizen can be president. But, this professor had a kind of convoluted argument having to do with whether or not she was subject to the full jurisdiction of the United States at the time.

When Kamala Harris was a, would she have been subjected to the full jurisdiction of the United States? Even if that was the test, of course she would have, she applied for a Social Security Card, or if she committed a federal crime she would have been. And that, and that little loophole really is for like children of diplomats or Indian tribes.

Legally speaking, it's a nonstarter. But it immediately spread all over the internet. New groups that no one had heard of sprung up to call her I think, an anchor baby, because she is a child of immigrants and Trump himself coyly suggested maybe it had credence.

So I first wanted to ask John about it as a matter of the media coverage. How did this kind of make it to Newsweek? And what do you think about their response to the blow back, which has been pretty unapologetic, right?

Jonathan Alter [00:22:58]: Well, I think it was horrible. And you know, it made me ashamed of my longtime associates with Newsweek.

I worked there for 28 years. I wrote a column and I was a senior editor in 2010. The Graham family, which had owned Newsweek since 1962 owners of the Washington post. They sold  Newsweek. And at that time, when I was working there, we had 3 million paid circulation and a readership of 25 to 30 million.

This is way larger than any cable network. This is, we were part of the national conversation. Now I believe their circulation is a hundred thousand. So I mean, as Anderson Cooper said on CNN, he didn't even know the magazine was still in existence. It was bought by these sketchy folks from overseas a couple of years ago, they raided the offices of Newsweek as part of some kind of criminal investigation into money laundering.

So this has become a really disreputable magazine. And I was especially upset because one of my old colleagues is now the editor of the magazine. And she wrote an editor's note after this that was frankly, it was pathetic. It was a pathetic defense of this just awful piece that she ran. It wasn't just that it was legally ridiculous, specious, fallacious, it's that it was racist at its core because basically what the intent of the article was, was to say that Kamala Harris was the other, that child of immigrants has no place on a national ticket. And it was an attempt to try to kind of nuke her right out of the gate. It's not going to work because even if it gets retweeted 5 million times, 10 million, 30 million times, it's still the same Trumpsters who will feast on it. So I don't think it's going to be electorally decisive, but it's really a sad day, it's not that they should have fact checked it, they just shouldn't have run it. It was a hit job, and it had no place in Newsweek and it's just sad. 

Asha Rangappa [00:24:52]: It's actually not just about Kamala, right? This is ‘go back to your country’, disguised as a legal argument, but what is especially dangerous about it is that it is not specific to Kamala, this argument.

So when we compare it to the Obama conspiracy theory, that he was born in Kenya. That was a made up lie about Obama. Here what you have is a very dangerous legal argument, which is laying the premise for not just that Kamala isn't eligible to run for president. It's the idea that millions of people currently in the United States, if this legal theory were true, who are born to immigrant parents who were not citizens at the time of their birth. This argument would mean that they are not citizens now.

That would mean that there are millions of people here in the United States who would not be eligible to vote, who could be subject to deportation or rounded up and put in detention camps. I mean, you can see the echoes of where this kind of argument goes. So it's, I think the fact that it is clothed in legality makes it actually even more dangerous than just the racist birther conspiracy leveled against Obama. And for that alone, I would have thought that, you know, an outlet would take great pains to not publish something like that without a basis.

Jonathan Alter [00:26:18]: They just didn’t think it through, they hired a guy who was a right winger, you know, to be their opinion editor and they reap what they sowed.

Joe Lockhart [00:26:28]: I don't think they got snuckered at all. I think they did this and this is a reflection of the way the media works now, because Anderson Cooper didn't know two days ago, that Newsweek was still around and now he knows, right. The way you make money in media right now is finding a niche audience.

And the Trump audience is a great big audience. It was served up for Trump and Trump reacted the way Trump always reacts, which is he speaks from his heart, his racist heart and did exactly what everyone thought. Now that is going to be music to the ears of his base, they're going to love that.

In every chat room there's going to be talk about whether she's really eligible or not, and by the time this is over, she will have been born also in Indonesia or Kenya. Now, the fact of the matter is, if you look at the race though, and the reason that this is not going to work for Trump, like it did in 2016, is the country has fundamentally changed since 2016. We saw it in 2018 where suburban women in record numbers, blacks got out and voted in record numbers in a midterm to send a message that they didn't like what they were seeing. Before Trump, racism was, was spoken in soft tones.

Trump says it out loud. He brings the ugliness and the horrible stench of a racist and puts it in the middle of the white house. And you know, 35% of the country cheers and says, somebody finally hears us. That's great. But 65% of the country, I believe, and maybe it's wishful thinking, has been moved by the idea that that's not what America is.

That's not who we are. Even people who have these latent racist feelings, looked at Trump and said, I don't want to be like that. And you know, you couple that with the changes around the Black Lives movement, and the police brutality and Trump is trying to run his 2016 campaign in 2020. And he's running in a completely different country than he ran in in 2016. 

Jonathan Alter [00:28:28]: Joe, I basically agree with you. And I think that Trump is in a world of political hurt. He doesn't really have a path to reelection, but what concerns me is that you mentioned that 35%. He's at 41-42%. And I was expecting that after all of this, he would be down at 35%.

You know, Harry mentioned that I've got this book coming out next month about Jimmy Carter and Jimmy Carter, the electorate was much more fluid then, I mean, he went as high as seven, over 70% approval. And Trump has never been over 50, but he also went as low as 26%. I find it really depressing that Trump is not down in the mid to low thirties at this point, because he's so unfit and so many Republicans know that he's unfit. Know that he's tearing the fabric of the country. And yet they still say that they approve of him in office. So, I think you're right. And I would bet on Biden, but after 2016, it's really hard to be completely confident in our fellow countrymen and women.

Joe Lockhart [00:29:29]: No, I, I don't disagree with caution. I wrote a piece recently for CNN that said Donald Trump has no path to victory. He can't win. Joe Biden can lose. He can do things that depress our own turnout. He can not engage properly in the campaign.

So he still has to win this, but Donald Trump, uh, being Donald Trump, having a record now for three and a half years, you know, again, he’s at 39% job approval in a poll that came out this morning. But if you look at this campaign, it's defined by COVID and he’s at 31 and 32% approval there. So his, his real approval is somewhere in between.

He needs to be at 47-48% job approval to win on election day. It's historically possible. And I don't, I, I just don't see unless Biden's self combusts, you know, Trump having a path.

Jonathan Alter [00:30:20]: You don't think he can steal it by shutting down the post office? 

Joe Lockhart [00:30:21]: Well, that's a whole other question.

Harry Litman [00:30:23]: That’s a whole other point. Let me offer one more comment on this. Just to zero in a little bit more, I mean, it strikes me that roughly what's been happening with Trump and his base. It's not just the 65% to the extent he was ever at 44-45 that comprise the very hardcore 30,  whatever it's gonna going to be, who will never desert him. But also a whole cohort that he has is specifically losing.

And it strikes me that those folks may be, they're largely suburban women, but however you would define them are the ones who are most likely to recoil from some of these dog whistle tactics that we've identified.

Joe Lockhart [00:31:06]: I think you're right. I think you said it better than me.

Harry Litman [00:31:09]: Well more of that to come for now, we are moving to our sidebar feature, which normally consists of having a well known figure explain an important concept in the law. In light of Kamala Harris's announcement, we thought we'd do something a little bit different and speak with someone who would tell us some personal experience that maybe illuminates what she's going to be like as a candidate.

So we're very fortunate that former Senator Barbara Boxer is with us, she served 34 years in the Congress, 10 in the house, and then from 1992 to 2016 in the Senate. And since leaving the Senate, she's written a book on her years in Congress, The Art of Tough: Fearlessly Facing Politics and Life. In any event, she's gonna give an anecdote from her experience with Senator Harris that gives some insight into the kind of Vice Presidential candidate that she may be.

Barbara Boxer [00:32:09]: In 2010, I found myself on the campaign trail with Kamala. She was running in a very tough race for Attorney General, and I was running in a very tough race for reelection to the Senate. We saw each other quite a bit during that campaign year, and I was really rooting for her. Her race was so close, and it was not called for a couple of weeks, so during that time, I kept nervously phoning Kamala, I kept asking her, “how’s it going? Give me the news.” I was really nervous. She would calm me down, she was cool as a cucumber, so that’s a great trait. It had a happy ending, she won and I won. This is Barbara Boxer for Talking Feds.

Harry Litman [00:32:50]: Thanks very much for that story, Senator Boxer.

All right. Picking up then, on where I think it was Joe, just before mentioning the post office. It's by all accounts, a mess. it's barely staying afloat, and yet it is absolutely critical to full and expanded mail-in voting in November. And it just recently sent detailed letters to 46 States saying that it cannot guarantee that all ballots cast by mail for the November election will arrive in time to be counted.

And you put that up against the laws in many States that require ballots — mail in ballots to arrive by the election in order to be counted. And it seems like, like a train wreck of historic proportions in the offing. So, President Obama in pretty forceful language came out and said that the President is trying to kneecap and starve his own US Postal Service.

So are we, aren't we looking at a total disaster in the making?

Jonathan Alter [00:33:57]: We are, and it's frightening, with 46 States at, at risk. And at the same time that they're looking to be overwhelmed, they're removing sorting machines under orders from, uh, Louis DeJoy, who I think, if Biden wins, should go to jail, which I'll get to in a second, changing from First-class to bulk rates, which slows everything down, laying people off, laying off managers, workers. He just met with Trump. 

Trump denied having met with him, another one of his tens of thousands of lies. And they clearly were plotting how to use the US Postal Service to steal the election for the Republicans. So that's not an overstatement of what's going on. Nancy Pelosi and Chuck Schumer on Friday issued a statement saying they were trying to cheat to win the election.

They're absolutely right. It seems that one of the things that can be done, and the hand-wringing about it is not enough, not enough to write columns about it and expect somebody else do something.

So all 50 States have laws that prohibit the interference in an election. You can't like, line up 10 trucks to prevent people from getting to a polling place and put up a barricade. So people can't go to the polling place. If you do that under state law, you can be prosecuted because remember there are state candidates on all of these mail-in ballots. So, the concern that people had in the last week is well, of course, the DOJ is not going to prosecute Louis DeJoy, the head of the post office, Barr's not going to do anything. And, you know, Congress has no real jurisdiction because there's a board of governors.

Instead, what should happen is the manager of all of these postal sorting centers in every state, start with the battleground States, should be indicted If they removed a single sorting machine from their premises in the 90 days before the election, they should be indicted for interfering in an election.

Asha Rangappa [00:35:46]: You’d be better off with an AG bringing a civil suit, asking for a temporary injunction that, that would not only have a lower burden of proof, but the irreparable harm standard that you would have there, you could then try to order, and you could do this in federal court because there would be federal jurisdiction since this is the US Post Office, to get them to stop taking these actions. That would be the fastest way to pursue this without taking criminal cases off the table.

Harry Litman [00:36:13]: I have brought such cases. They're really tough. 

Jonathan Alter [00:36:16]: So what's the larger picture here. This is the toughness gap between Democrats and Republicans, and I'm afraid it's extended to the bar. So there are 16 lawsuits that Republicans are bringing. Trying to make it harder to vote in different parts of the country. How will Democratic lawyers feel if Trump manages to steal this election, and the margin of his victory is that they got out lawyered cause they were wringing their hands saying it's somebody else's problem, while the Republican lawyers were in court, suppressing the vote. So democratic lawyers, and look, as I said, I'm not a lawyer, I'm a journalist. If they want to prevent this slow motion coup d'etat, they better get cracking.

I don't know what the legal theory is. I don't know what the impediments are. There's always a way to say no, you know, this won't happen for reasons XYZ. The Republican lawyers don't say that, they bring impossible, frivolous cases, hoping that they get the right judge. The Democrats all like, censor themselves and say ‘oh no, we can’t do this, we’re’, you know,  I'm being too sweeping in this cause there are some Democratic lawyers who are looking very closely at this, but not enough. And time is short. 

Harry Litman [00:37:18]: All true, so let me just quickly respond on the legal front. They are cracking and, in my hometown of Pittsburgh today, a federal judge has responded at the behest of the Democratic opponents to the Republican plaintiffs to show me the proof. They, the Republicans have to come in now, and I really can't wait to see this submission showing why mail and voting is so ripe for fraud. But let's just also switch gears briefly and ask, are there, in addition to legal battles, other kinds of solutions that may be pursued to augment delivery of mail in ballots, which by the way, Trump applied for his this week, but are there other ways to augment mail in ballots to at least ameliorate the train wreck. 

Joe Lockhart [00:38:06]: First off it's a, it's an absolute fiction that the post office is going broke. The post office is, on paper, going broke because Republicans 15 or 20 years ago passed a law that said they had to pre-fund their pensions, no other company, no other government agency has to do that. So, on paper, they are running a deficit.

They are a profitable organization, but the Republicans want to privatize and get rid of the postal office. So that's one thing. The second thing is this is just the tip of the iceberg. This is the thing we're talking about. There are efforts going on in every state to suppress the vote, whether it be voter ID laws, whether it be things they're doing in Florida on signatures.

I disagree a little bit with Jonathan about Democrats on the sidelines. Marko Liias, I don't think has lost a case in about six years. 

Jonathan Alter [00:38:54]: He's great. He’s great, but there should be 50 of ‘em.

Joe Lockhart [00:38:577]: It's, it's not just Mark, there's a well-funded group that Eric Holder’s pushing, so Democrats are ready for this. Now, you know, it's like, whack-a-mole, you solve one thing, one place.

I actually think that there may be a sting in the tail for this for Republicans for a couple of reasons. One is I’ve been talking to democratic organizers over the last week or so, and their main effort is COVID related, but some of this has to do with the post office and voter suppression. You're going to see Democrats voting in record numbers early.

And I mean very early, and they won't trust the post office. They'll walk it down the Board of Elections, or mail it a month in advance. The second issue is, and I think Republicans in states are very worried about this, Republicans have always done better on mail-in voting.

So I think there's a lot of work that needs to be done. A lot of work is being done. The Republicans have become an anti-democratic party. And I don't mean Democrat. I mean, they're against democracy, Donald Trump being their authoritarian leader.

And that goes for all of them. 52-53 Republican senators, who haven't said a word about this, who will, are just blindly saying it's okay to suppress the vote. There are Secretaries of State around the country who were Republicans who have stolen elections over the last decade. You go into Ohio, and you go into a suburb and there's no lines and there's 40 polling places.

And then you go into the inner city and there's two polling places, and the line is six, seven hours. This is all anti-democratic. This issue used to get surfaced after the election. It's being surfaced right now before the election, that has the potential to be a very big deal for Democrats, and a very big driver of turnout.

Asha Rangappa [00:40:41]: Yeah. I just wanted to emphasize Joe's point about the anti-democratic — small d —  strategies here. And it kind of goes back to some of our initial comments about Kamala Harris and what she represents in terms of the future. The Republican party cannot sustain the demographic changes that are happening in this country, given where they are right now, and especially as they move farther and farther to the right, with the explicit racism with the anti-immigration stances. 

Over 50% of this country is going to be minority by 2025, I believe. It's just not a sustainable strategy for them, and they use the fear and outrage machines. Whether it they're coming after your guns, they're coming after your values, they’re coming after your neighborhoods, they’re coming after your meat, or whatever it is that Pence said the other day. And that does get their kind of solid 30% out, but to quote from Hamilton, they don't have the votes. They cannot manage it. So these anti-democratic strategies, the reason that you're not hearing anything from the Republicans is, this is the only way they can win. They have to mobilize their own base, but they have to suppress some portion of the democratic base, otherwise they simply cannot sustain winning these. 

And I think the very sad part of it is that the anti-democratic strategies by definition, will have to continue to escalate. The more extreme that the GOP becomes — we now know there's QAnon people in the party — that base is going to get even more extreme and, and shrink, and not appeal to the masses.

Would you agree with that, Joe? It's just, it is, it is a part of their strategy. This is how they have to win. 

Joe Lockhart [00:42:21]: It is their entire strategy. And this was a strategy in 2016, it was a strategy in 2018, but I think the, the optimist in me looks at 2018 and despite efforts all over the country to keep people from voting, Democrats swept through. Now in 2016, Trump won Wisconsin I believe by 17,000 votes, 300,000 voters were denied the ability to vote. And I don't think these were white people making $500,000 a year. And so, I think just the very fact that we're talking about this now, and the media is very focused on this and it's becoming an issue in the campaign.

Like I said before, voter suppression always happened. The debate always happened after elections. And it's very important now that we're talking about this now and putting it in the forefront.

Jonathan Alter [00:43:09]: I agree with all of that, but I'm more focused on what to do in the short term between now and November, and according to the Brennan Center for Justice — which is a great clearinghouse of information on all of this — the single most important thing that can be done is to allow either boxes that you can deposit your mail-in ballot in, which the states that are heavily mail in like Oregon, Washington, Colorado, which is all vote by mail, put it home. But you know, many other States have these boxes, but in many key states, including Pennsylvania, they’re trying to prevent them.

So the legal fight has to go there. If that doesn't work, a fallback position, which I've heard very little discussion of, is to get Secretary of States, and other election officials, to allow people to drop their mail-in ballots at polling places. So, my first reaction to that was, well, then won't the election judges there who are often Republicans who were in on it, who are trying to deny Democrats the right to vote, won't they then open them there. And they're not allowed to under any, apparently under any state law, they have to take them from the polling place directly to the board sealed directly to the board of elections. So part of this practical struggle in the next few weeks should be to make sure that every voter, if they forget to vote until a couple of days before the election and they're voting by mail, they should be able to drop their mail-in ballot at any holding station.

Otherwise they're going to be, you know, trying to figure out where do I go to get my vote in? And this issue has not surfaced enough. The other thing is, as Jim Cliburn says, just stop talking about election day and start talking about election month. That the entire month of October should be about the election and it should be seen as election month, everybody, all the networks.

This is a responsibility of journalism. The television networks need to tell everybody in every state, you know, when their absentee ballots are due, when early voting is allowed two weeks before the election, but not three days before the election, everybody's got different rules and the voters have to be informed.

That's a public education campaign that has to take place. And I think some donors need to figure out whether they want to buy some ads that just educate voters in battleground States about when they have to get their ballots in.

Harry Litman [00:45:20]: All really good points, and just to stitch it up with what Joe was saying, many of these require changes in state law. Now to date, when there have been efforts to do it, Republicans have automatically, you know, the why Rick Vue has taken hold have automatically oppose, but they've been tied up in committee or, treated in a somewhat obscure way. 

Joe Lockhart [00:45:41]: I think you're also going to see, I mean, we're definitely going to see a different kind of campaigning in the COVID era. You're not going to see, you know, 50,000 people.

And what's really interesting is, I was on a call with some state legislators the other day and they were recounting, you know, the Republicans are, their field operations are acting like it's, we're not in this COVID crisis. They're out knocking on doors. Democrats to a person are not doing that this time. Their focus and where their money's going to be spent is on exactly what Jonathan just talked about: educating voters on how to vote early.

And if you look at the States by the time I think the second debate is done, I think there's a prediction that two thirds of the country will have already voted, based on the states. So I'm just underscoring what Jonathan said is this election is going to be decided in September, not October.

Harry Litman [00:46:29]: Alright. Well much more to come on the election and the general efforts to suppress the vote. It's all we have time for today, and we have just a couple minutes for a Five Words or Fewer.

Our final feature, which we're going to change up today as well. Usually, we have a listener question, but, as a way of at least touching on the important argument that took place in the DC circuit this week involving Michael Flynn, I wanted to change our five words or fewer question to the following:

The DC circuit heard argument on bonk, about whether the mandamus effort by Michael Flynn should succeed, or whether the judge in the Flynn case, Judge Sullivan, has a right to have a hearing. So, most observers thought that the court was going to say that a hearing is fine. But it sets up the really bigger question there about what happens next.

So, Feds, the Five Words or Fewer question is: will Judge Sullivan grant the government's dismissal motion on remand? Five words or fewer, please.

Asha Rangappa [00:47:37]: Yes, but without prejudice.

Joe Lockhart [00:47:40]: I hope not. 

Harry Litman [00:47:42]: John?

Jonathan Alter [00:47:44]: No, he won't. 

Harry Litman [00:47:45]: Unfortunately, yes. Writing on wall. 

Thank you very much to John, Joe, and Asha. And thank you very much, listeners, for tuning in to Talking Feds. If you like what you’ve heard, please tell a friend to subscribe to us on Apple Podcasts, or wherever they get their podcasts, and please take a moment to rate and review this podcast. You can follow us on Twitter @TalkingFedsPod , to find out about future episodes and other Feds related content. 

You can check us out on the web at TalkingFeds.com, where we have full episode transcripts, and you can look to see our latest offerings on Patreon, where we post discussions about special topics exclusively for supporters, and ad-free episodes. Submit your questions to questions@talkingfeds.com , whether it’s for Five Words or Fewer, or general questions about the inner-workings of the legal system for our Sidebar segments. Thanks for tuning in, and don’t worry: as long as you need answers, the Feds will keep talking.

Talking Feds is produced by Jennifer Bassett and Rebecca Low Patton. Our editor is Justin Wright. David Lieberman and Rosie Don Griffin are our contributing writers. Production Assistance by Ayo Osobamiro, who is leaving us after this week to go off to law school. Thanks very much Ayo for all of your great contributions to Talking Feds, and good luck in law school.  Our consulting producer is Andrea Carla Michaels. Thanks very much to Senator Barbara Boxer, for her funny and illuminating account of Vice Presidential nominee, Senator Kamala Harris. Our gratitude, as always, to the amazing Philip Glass, who graciously lets us use his music. Talking Feds is a production of Delito, LLC. I'm Harry Litman. See you next time.

A TALE OF TWO CITIES: PARIS, TEXAS AND PARIS, FRANCE

Harry Litman [00:00:00]: Hi, it's Harry. Just wanted to give you a quick heads up about what you can find now on our Patreon site. We're in the middle of a sort of summer book club where I'll be talking to the authors of five different books, Anne Applebaum on the Twilight of Democracy. Norm Eisen on a case for the United States. Those are already up this week. I'll be talking to David Litt and to Jeff Toobin about their new books and the following week to John Dean, former White House counsel. There's also lots of material there that continues to be, I think, of interest, not just topical discussions. So, for example, you might want to check out Jonathan Zittrain, with whom I discussed the very interesting and complicated problem of how to track the contacts that people with the virus have had with everyone else. Or maybe the Alan Arkin conversation where we discussed his Eastern philosophy and approach to life during the virus. So lots of good stuff there. You can check it out without having to join, just to see the capsule descriptions of the various discussions and then decide if you'd like to subscribe for five dollars a month or three dollars for students. Thanks. And here's our show.

Harry Litman [00:01:29]: Welcome to Talking Feds. A roundtable that brings together prominent former federal officials and special guests for a dynamic discussion of the most important political and legal topics of the day. I'm Harry Litman. It's official. The United States stands well above the rest of the developed world in its virus numbers and is the only nation to have suffered a severe and sustained outbreak for more than four months. Nearly two million Americans have tested positive for the virus in the last month, which is more than five times as many as in all of Europe, Canada, Japan, South Korea and Australia combined. And Black and Latino Americans continue to contract the virus about three times as frequently as White Americans. President Trump took it on the chin in two federal courts. Manhattan District Attorney Cyrus Vance told a federal trial judge that his office was seeking Trump's financial records to investigate not just hush money payments, but possible extensive and protracted criminal conduct at the Trump Organization.

Harry Litman [00:02:36]: And the full D.C. Circuit held that Congress could proceed in its suit to force the testimony of former White House counsel Don McGahn, who was a direct eyewitness to Trump's efforts to obstruct the Mueller probe. Meanwhile, the New York attorney general brought a massive civil fraud lawsuit against the NRA and its controversial CEO, Wayne LaPierre, alleging LaPierre bilked the organization of tens of millions of dollars to fund his ultra luxurious lifestyle and seeking to dissolve the organization. Obama Deputy Attorney General Sally Yates testified before the Senate Judiciary Committee, where chair and Trump surrogate Lindsey Graham used the opportunity to try to browbeat Yates into agreeing that the counterintelligence investigation of Michael Flynn was just a political setup by the Obama Biden administration. In the Senate overall, the two parties remain far apart in negotiations over a new stimulus bill was signed by week's end that Mitch McConnell was ready to give ground. And just for good measure to add to the general misery and mayhem of the week, a hurricane lashed the northeast U.S., leaving power outages and property damage. To break down the stormy week we have a great panel of great analysts, good friends and DOJ alumni. Four feds, all, in fact, each of whom I specifically had in mind when we started the podcast. Starting with Amy Jeffress. Amy is a partner at the law firm of Arnold and Porter. She served as the Justice Department attache to the U.S. Embassy in London, and she was a former counselor to the attorney general and a longtime assistant U.S. attorney in the District of Columbia. Amy, thank you for coming.

Amy Jeffress [00:04:25]: It's a pleasure to be back.

Harry Litman [00:04:26]: Ron Klain is an adviser to the Biden campaign. He has spent over 30 years in the highest purchase of government, including chief of staff to two vice presidents, Joe Biden and Al Gore. Chief of staff to Attorney General Janet Reno. Chief counsel to the Senate Judiciary Committee. And the Ebola czar under the Obama Biden administration. Ron, thank you for coming.

Ron Klain [00:04:50]: Always a pleasure, Harry.

Harry Litman [00:04:51]: And Matt Miller, a partner at V.A. Voh and former director of the Office of Public Affairs for the Department of Justice. Matt, thanks for coming back to talking feds.

Matt Miller [00:05:00]: Always good to be here.

Harry Litman [00:05:02]: All right, let's jump in with the virus. The numbers are heads spinning and the impact on daily life continues to be profound. We're approaching five million cases. One hundred fifty thousand deaths. There are 1450 cases per 100,000 population. In Europe, the numbers are like 90. So what's going on? And I don't mean this rhetorically necessarily. Why are we so much worse than every developed country? Is it only because of our president?

Ron Klain [00:05:32]: Well, I'll start. I mean, I think I don't know if it's only because of our president, but it's principally because of our president. And I think we've seen this failure at every single step in the process. Early on, the president ignored the warnings that were coming from the intelligence community, ignored the warnings that were coming from the international health community. He stood in front of the American people, told people it would go away, it would be like a miracle. We were 15 cases, we'd go down to 5. It'd go away in April ago, it would go away at Easter, go away when it got warm. And so, we spent the entire spring basically in a pattern of denial and a lack of preparation, response to it. And that's what led to the crisis we saw particularly in the northeastern United States, in New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, other places that were really hard hit in March and in April. And then what we've seen since then is a second kind of wave that technically a second wave, the second round of outbreaks in the Sunbelt. And that's directly accountable for the fact that in mid April, when Trump's own administration led by Dr. Fauci, Dr. Burke stood and said, 'Hey, these should be the careful standards for resuming economic activity.' Donald Trump slashed his own plan, stood in front of the American people, criticized governors and local officials who are trying to follow those recommendations, and instead egged on those who simply chose to ignore the expert advice and rapidly reopened ones out of concern for safety and health. Particularly in Florida, particularly in Texas, particularly in Arizona. And so what we've seen really since June onward is a increasing number of cases, not a decreasing in more cases, but an increase in more cases. A second spike in a different part of the country because of Trump's direct recommendations to people to ignore the safety issues in reopening. And so I think that's where we are now. And now, look, we're turning the corner towards the fall when the question comes to schools. And once again, the president is not telling people to use data. He's not telling people to use science. He's not telling people to be careful who is running around saying every single school and every single part of the country should be open. And that is really paving the way for a third crisis moment in this epidemic.

Amy Jeffress [00:07:36]: What's so incredible about this, Harry, is that the Trump administration literally threw away the playbook. And I would like Ron to talk more about what that playbook was, but he said something that he contributed to. But] I’m reading a book about the great influenza of 1918. It's called The Great Influenza. And I'm reading it because ABC reporter Matthew Mosk did an article a couple of months ago that was about how George W. Bush, when he was president, had read the book and then said his staff, "This kind of pandemic happens every hundred years and it's been about 100 years and we need to be prepared." And so, he and his staff went about creating a structure in the NSC to respond to a pandemic. And then the Obama administration, of course, with to some smaller pandemics that it faced strengthened that structure and staffing. And then in the Trump administration, it was pretty much just abolished in the playbook was thrown out. And so when the pandemic hit, no one was following really very good advice that administrations had passed along. Up until that point, too. And those steps that were laid out in the book and the staff that had been there that could have really put together a competent response were all gone. And so it was left to people who really didn't know what they were doing and made terrible mistakes. And now here we are.

Ron Klain [00:08:49]: Yeah. So, look, I think Amy is spot on three critical points here. The first is that until Donald Trump came along, pandemic prevention response was a bipartisan priority. It was a priority of the Bush administration and the Obama administration. It really had nothing to do with partizan politics or ideology. There is a general view that we face this threat, we need to be ready for this threat. So, I think sometimes we see this as kind of like a bunch of Trump critics were jumping on Trump about this as if this might be a Democrat versus Republican thing. It wasn't a Democrat or Republican thing until Donald Trump made it that. So I think that's the first point implicit in what Amy said, that really bears some attention. Secondly, as Amy alluded to, we created two things after the Ebola response to institutionalize the lessons we learned from that response in 2014, 2015. The first was creating a permanent office, a pandemic preparedness response inside the National Security Council, led by a deputy national security director for Global Health Security. That person ultimately was Beth Cameron after I left the White House or to the Obama administration. It continued for the first year of the Trump administration, led by Adiramal Tim Zimmer, a veteran of the Bush administration, then brought back a veteran of fighting AIDS in Africa. Really talented, experienced, professional. He led that office till 2018 when Trump and John Bolton abolished it. Wiped it out.

Harry Litman [00:10:07]: Any reason? Was just a money thing.?

Ron Klain [00:10:09]: Yeah.

Harry Litman [00:10:09]: What did they say at the time.

Ron Klain [00:10:10]: No, no, no. It was an ideology thing.

Harry Litman [00:10:12]: Pandemics are for Democrats?

Ron Klain [00:10:14]: Pandemics are a soft power issue. So over overall NSC view that, you know, people getting sick from viruses, you know, that's not what we're worried about. We're worried about terrorism. We're worried about ISIS. We're worried about these hard power threats. We're not really worried about just people getting sick. I mean, these people get sick, they get sick in Third World countries, it's never going to come here. This is our kind of problem. It's a this is kind of a goody two shoes problem was the view of the hard security people under Bolton, and that's why they got rid of the office. But there's a third thing that Amy alluded to, which was this pandemic playbook, which we wrote at the end of the Obama administration. Which laid out step by step what to do when a pandemic threat emerged that people say to me all the time, 'Oh, but you couldn't have possibly seen this coming'. On page nine of the pandemic playbook that says look out for corona virus, corona viruses or emerging viral threat. You know, it's specifically called on page nine of the playbook. And so when the Trump administration abolish this office, took the view that pandemics are something that only happened in poor countries or undeveloped countries, didn't follow this playbook. That did lay the groundwork for the real disaster we saw starting in the early months of the Corona virus response.

Matt Miller [00:11:28]: I could listen to Ron talk about this all day. The only point I wanted to add, I think the tragedy of all this is that except for being massively incompetent, which is obviously a huge caveat, Trump could have actually responded to this virus better than just about any other president. And by that, I mean, I try imagine this counterfactual where this epidemic has hit when President Obama was president. I think the response would have completely competent, you would have seen it run the way you expect government to run. But I have to imagine that there would be a mass pushback around the country, the kind of protests you saw in Michigan over the shutdowns and the kind of intellectual movements you've seen around makes. You would have seen that, but you wouldn't see it being led by Republican governors, Republican politicians who are doing it just to oppose Barack Obama. And I think you would have seen zero impetus from Republicans in Congress do anything to respond to this and other problems. Trump as not just any Republican, but as a Republican who is square in the anti-intellectual boat, anti-elitist wing of the Republican Party, both kind of a symptom of that problem in the party, and they'd celebrate it. He was uniquely positioned if he could let competent people inside the government, Fauci and others run the response. He was uniquely positioned to kind of say 'Wear your mass when you go out in public, socially distance' and just send the right messages. But he's just incapable of doing that. So in a weird way, one of the guys who could unite the country around being responsible because he could have brought along the people who are naturally inclined not to be responsible, refuses to do so.

Harry Litman [00:13:04]: Yeah, it's really true. And he's eventually had to come around to at least acknowledge the deaths. And you wonder what kept him from trying to be--I could really see how I could have just taken one different direction way back when and really in a strong way, tried to play the hero.

Ron Klain [00:13:24]: To answer your question, why not? I think I think Matt's analysis of the situation is exactly right. But the problem with the pandemic and other hard problems that both Matt and Amy have worked on in government is hard problems require hard work. And they require just a lot of grinding through the details and a lot of planning and a lot of implementation and a lot of like getting up early and staying up late and really working through it. The pandemic is a giant logistics challenge. It is a giant governmental challenge is just a giant challenge of effort and focus and intensity. And Donald Trump's never had any interest in doing any of those things. You know, his idea of a problem is it gets up the morning tweets about it. He says something in the Rose Garden, and then it's just all over. And that's always been the limitation on his ability to run this response. This is something that requires the kind of endless meetings and focus and work that Amy said. Thousands of these meetings, massive thousands of meetings. That's what fighting a pandemic involves. And Donald Trump was never, ever, ever willing to do that. [66.5s]

Matt Miller [00:14:31]: The best example of that is the debate around schools right now. I get so personally angry when I see the president tweet all the time over the schools because I have two kids that I want to have in school right now or I want to havemat school at the end of this month when they're supposed to open. And they won't. One of will we sit here with my wife and I'm trying to teach them how to read, doing a bad job at probably. Donald Trump is the one person who could have effectuated getting the schools to open had he just respond to this virus competently. But instead of doing that, he just tweets all the time about it, says, open the schools, despite the fact I have nothing to set up a situation where the schools could responsibly open. And you can look at a bunch of examples that I know, at least for me, that is the one that drives me crazy every time I see him talking about it.

Harry Litman [00:15:15]: I mean, we're all parents and we all feel that way. So what the hell is going to happen? He's saying open the schools. Open the schools. There have been other Republican governors who have followed him, even when he's tweeted imprudently and without regard to the science. Will some schools open? Will disasters ensue? Will students die? How do you see this playing out?

Amy Jeffress [00:15:36]: Yeah, I'm interested to talk about two things. One that you just mentioned, which is the sort of refusal to consider the science and follow the advice that the scientific experts are providing, which we haven't really talked about. The other is to what extent is this a problem that is really a feature of the United States? Because we are such a big country and we have very unusual freedom of movement from state to state. So it under normal circumstances, the pandemic probably would be worse here than it would be in countries that are smaller and have borders with border controls. And I mean, internally within the United States, you can really even drive anywhere and you don't face internal border controls. So there are challenges that are not necessarily the fault of the administration, although the administration hasn't grappled with them the way it should have.

Ron Klain [00:16:19]: Well, let me let me disagree with the second. Right. It should be much less bad here than it is in Europe. Our population is younger. Age is the number one death factor in this disease. The average population in Europe is about 10 years older in the United States. They should be experiencing significant more fatalities than we are. They also, for most of this, kept a lot of inter European borders open. People were moving around. Europe is also largerer United States 450 million people there. 330 million people in the U.S. So by every single metric, they should be seeing it much worse than we are. Yesterday, there were zero new cases of COVID in France. Zero. Zero new cases of COVID in Spain. Zero. There were more new cases of covered yesterday in Paris, Texas than in Paris, France. So, I mean, this is a singular failure of the Trump administration. I think on the schools thing.

Harry Litman [00:17:06]: Yeah, what's going to happen?

Ron Klain [00:17:08]: Look, what's going to happen is that the schools are going to open in some parts of the country and not in others. By the way, there are parts of the country probably where the schools can open safely, if you take appropriate measures. If you require masking in schools, if you create barriers around teachers, do things to try to make the schools as safe as possible. And I think there are places Governor Cuomo, a Democrat, today announced that a New York state, he is authorizing the schools to open in New York state, subject to local decisions ultimately, but certainly in parts of that state where the disease is very, very low. I think that's probably the right decision. And so this goes back to that Matt said a second ago. It's not that there are no schools that should open. Some should open. What the president should be doing is saying, here's the standards you use to decide. Here's the safeguards we need to put in our schools if you're going to open them to keep kids safe. And here is some help for the schools to do it. I mean, we live in a country where we often make teachers by their own chalk because we don't give them school supplies. This should not go by their own PPE and is buy their own deep cleaning equipment for their classrooms? I mean, so instead of yelling at the schools, a competent federal government would be giving the schools the tools they need to make it safe, as safe as possible to open schools where incidents of the disease is lower.

Harry Litman [00:18:29]: Now and of course, Chicago just went the other way. But I assume some schools will open. There'll be bad results. It's genuinely unclear what what it looks like for parents and students in two months from now. So we'll leave it there for now. This isn't going away for sure. And the summer with the virus or without is hurdling by. So let's move on to a different topic concerning the president, however. There were several developments in courts and Congress this week that I would say are roughly centered around returning to like 2015 and 16 and and resuming the controversial conduct of the Trump campaign or to hear Lindsey Graham say that the controversial conduct of the Obama-Biden administration. But so starting with the D.A. suit, this went up to the Supreme Court through an argument of the president saying that he can't even investigate me while I'm the president. The Supreme Court rejected that, but returned it now for Trump to be able to make those sorts of arguments that any old joke could make to resist a subpoena. But I think the big news of the week is the litigation. Vance, the D.A. said that the office is investigating possible extensive and protracted criminal conduct at the Trump Organization. What's going on here, exactly? What do you think Vance is looking into?

Matt Miller [00:20:00]: It's hard when you think of a Trump entity. It's hard to limit your mind in terms of what kind of criminal exposure they might have, just because you see the way Trump operates. The one that comes to mind with the Trump organization is something that Michael Cohen said when he testified to Congress. I guess it was last year. They talked about Trump repeatedly overstating his assets when applying for loans from Deutsche Bank. There was another report this week that Vance had gotten Trump's business records from Deutsche Bank. So it sounds to me that would be just the basic bank fraud case, right? You overstay your assets or to get a loan that you don't otherwise deserve. Probably the kind of thing that Amy and you had prosecuted many, many times. But that's the easiest one to imagine. I mean, you can you can keep going and imagine insurance fraud has been raised other times as part of this investigation. As well as, you know, it's always possible and there've been some indications that is looking at this case on the hush money scheme that Michael Cohen was a part of that he ultimately guilty to do in New York in federal court?

Harry Litman [00:20:59]: I think that's right. There are state analogs and of course, those are subject to some intense problems of proof or at least challenges. People cite the John Edwards case, which was kind of a black eye for the department, though I think it's really not apposite. That would be how I'm thinking if I were looking at this. And it goes both ways. They were sort of accordion like with their different entities. If you want to get the bank loan, you want to look like you're robust and have a lot of proceeds. If you want to pay not much tax, then you want to contract and look kind of poor. And there's some suggestion from Cohen, among others, that they had it both ways and it was just a way of doing business. OK. Couple other things in this general category. What about the opinion by the D.C. Circuit that rejected what had been a panel opinion saying that Congress couldn't even bring a suit to try to force McGann to testify? You know, the court has said it's an interbranch dispute and the full D.C. Circuit now has said 'No, that that's not how it works. Congress has standing.' How important a decision practically and legally is that going to be going forward?

Amy Jeffress [00:22:13]: So I'll start. I didn't read a good bit of it. And it's a very strong, very solid, well written opinion. I mean, the D.C. Circuit has just some amazing minds and can really produce amazing opinions. And in this case, I'd say that's one of them. So I think this is now the law and it's clear. And the import of the opinion, in my view, is that this administration has really thrown out the playbook on how to relate to Congress and how to comply with legitimate requests from Congress. And they've largely gotten away with it. And this is a start. And, you know, the courts are setting that back and pressing reset. And no, we're going to return to what the Constitution said in terms of how these three branches should interact and Congress has the right to compel testimony. And so that is the way that it should be. That's the way most administrations have honored congressional requests throughout our history. And the fact that this administration didn't is unfortunate. But I don't know that it's going to be held to account. If there's a new administration. I would have expected that new administration to comply anyway. But at least it hits reset so that in the future it's very clear that you can't get away with the kind of obstructive rejection of Congress's authority that this administration has done.

Matt Miller [00:23:23]: I agree with that. Look, if Trump is a two term president, God forbid I think this ruling along with the Supreme Court rulings a few weeks ago will be important. But I think in the short term, Trump has won basically these fights with Congress because he never cared about the principles of executive privilege and the principles of what he ought to have to turn over the law, the kinds of things that administration lawyers argue endlessly about internally. He cared about delaying everything past the election and he's basically going to get away with that. He got away with that in the impeachment fight. He got away with that. With all the other investigations, the House is open ended. And I have actually been pretty disappointed by the court's inability to either recognize what Trump was up to or care enough about it to respond to it and force him to comply, not just eventually, but quickly, because time was of the essence and the White House got that. And I think they're going to get through the election without really having ever complied meaningful congressional oversight. [

Harry Litman [00:24:19]: OK, granted. But will the case actually be mooted with a new Congress or will McGann still testify?

Matt Miller [00:24:28]: Well, look, in terms of testifying, the DOJ has already been interviewed a bunch of times by DOJ. I think the congressional subpoenas were important for public oversight. The cases wouldn't be booted. But they'll just be irrelevant. We inherited when we took office in 2009 a big fight between Congress, the Bush administration, about whether Karl Rove and Harriet Miers had to go testify.

Harry Litman [00:24:50]: Right.

Matt Miller [00:24:51]: Yeah. The House didn't really care anymore. We eventually worked it out. We suddenly carried this is they had to go testify under closed doors, but nobody really cared at that point. And this, I think, the same will be true if it's Don McGann testimony while Joe Biden president. It's some extent old news.

Harry Litman [00:25:04]: All right. Well, sticking with old news, Sally Yates had to troop up to the Hill to talk to the Senate. Well, I think talking to might be the wrong term with the Senate Judiciary Committee. To be browbeat by and listen to Lindsey Graham, who tried to use the occasion to try to promote a storyline of Obama and Biden. Biden's name came up in again, again and again as having been unmasked and acted corruptly toward Michael Flynn. So does this signal like a big theme coming up in the campaign? It seems completely fact free. But is it the kind of thing that Trump can make stick? At least among his base?

Ron Klain [00:25:47]: Well, I have no doubt they have been signaling for months that this was going to be their fall attraction, was revisiting these claims about 2016 campaign and the FBI's roll in it. And then the follow up and investigations on that. And they certainly are pounding that drum. I thought former Deputy Attorney General Yates did a superb job of, you know, unmasking the lies about unmasking. And just kind of very factually going through and rejecting these false claims and laying forward the facts in a very powerful and persuasive way. That won't stop what the Republicans, what the president's allies are trying to do. That won't stop them from trying to make this some kind of bete noir of the right-wing movement in the fall. But look, I think fundamentally, I think most of the voters are going to decide the election, think that this is all a bunch of nonsense. They think that their kids can or can't go to school. Their parents can or can't get out of the house because of a virus. They want to see the president and his allies working on that. I think we have the highest unemployment rate in a generation. They want to see the president's allies working on that. And I think them wasting a bunch of time sword fighting with Sally Yates. Senator Kennedy calling her stupid. I mean, all this craziness. I don't think it's doing a much political good. I guess it's chewing up some C-SPAN airwaves or something like that. But I don't think it's really anything. It's really moving the needle for them in any significant way.

Harry Litman [00:27:09]: Matt, what's in it now for the Republican senators? Why be such continuing warriors for this kind of crazy story instead of at least hedging their bets? We're getting pretty close to an election that he is way down in. They have to at least contemplate the likelihood that he'll lose. What's the calculation of the Kennedy's and Cruz's and Graham's of the world?

Matt Miller [00:27:34]: The first of those two senators aren't up for reelection right now, so they don't care. And Graham's seat is up, so a little closer. I think you will see some of that hedge their bets, but a lot of them are kind of trapped where they hedge their bets. They hurt themselves with their base. I think with this year, there were two reasons why they were doing it. One, this year, it was such an example of how Republican and conservative media disinformation works. There has been this conspiracy theory on the Right for a while that on January 5th of 2017. So the last few days of the Obama administration, Obama and Vice President Biden, Susan Rice, Jim Colby and Sally Yates got together and Obama told Colby Yates to go set Michael Flynn up. The first thing Sally Yates did in the hearing was come out and say: "That didn't happen. I was in that meeting and the president said, I want to know about whether you're investigating him. If you are, I don't want to influence it." She could not have been clearer. Marsha Blackburn, Republican senator from Tennessee, who sits on that committee and was in the room, heard that testimony. An hour later, tweets, President Obama and Vice President Biden ordered Sally Yates and Susan Rice to investigate Mike Flynn just completely refuted by the evidence her committee had just heard. And if you watch Fox later that night, the same thing. Now, to Ron's point, do I think this is relevant to what voters care about? Not at all. But I think they're trying to feed their base. And I do think there's something more nefarious going on in that they want to keep throwing all this relitigation of 2016 and what happened with respect to Russian interference in the investigation is that interference partly as a disinformation screen. So if something happens again, let's say the Russians have hacked into buying campaign e-mails and dump a bunch of them out on the Internet. Or the president gets caught asking Russia or another country to interfere in the election. China or Ukraine has done it repeatedly, that they have set up this kind of talking point that, 'Oh, you can't believe anything you've heard about foreign interference in the past. You can't believe that again now.' They're sending up that message to voters in case they need.

Harry Litman [00:29:35]: One final point on this relitigation is the prospect that became very concrete last week when Bill Barr testified that the Durham report may actually be coming before the election. Amy, you were in the middle of the department when he was a U.S. attorney and in fact, when the attorney general called on him. First, what the hell happened? But do you see the likely prospect of that October surprise?

Amy Jeffress [00:30:03]: So Matt was there as well when Attorney General Holder appointed Durham to continue the CIA investigation. And he was, I'd say, very different from my impression than he is now. And I will just point to the most stark example of that, which is the statement that he made after the inspector general's report came out last year stating that he disagreed with its conclusions. Now, he was in the middle of his investigation and there was no reason for him to take issue with a fellow Department of Justice employee. And yet he did.

Harry Litman [00:30:36]: There was reason not to, in fact.

Amy Jeffress [00:30:38]: There was much reason not to. He's in the middle of investigation, has yet to interview witnesses. Obviously, he's still interviewing witnesses, according to reports. So that's just not how we do business. And so I was appalled by that. And that made me think that that's also not consistent with what I had long heard about Durham and his reputation. So it made me think that he was put up to it. I mean, that's the only explanation that I can give. And that's not an excuse either. If you're told to do something that you understand is wrong, just resign. Don't do it.

Harry Litman [00:31:06]: And by the way, do you agree? All three of you would speak to this but certainly, Amy and Matt. That, this would be a patent violation of the department's policy of not influencing elections. Bill Barr has offered the argument, 'Oh, that's just for where concerns candidates.' But of course, that's not what it says and it's just not common sense that you can totally throw a bomb into the middle of a campaign, whether or not you are investigating the candidates. Yes?

Amy Jeffress [00:31:34]: I think that's right. And honestly, though, my prediction is that they won't do that. There might be something minor, but I don't think there's going to be something that's going to threaten to shake the election, anything very significant. But we'll see. I've been suppressed before.

Matt Miller [00:31:48]: I have a hard time seeing any big indictments come. I do think there will be a report and who knows what it will say. I think Barr will at some point take over the report and author big pieces of it and spin it. And it will be as nefarious as you can imagine, probably far more nefarious than back support. And of course, it's a violation of the DOJ rules. And I think the way to think about this is what would be the law enforcement reason for releasing this report in the last 60 or nine days before the election? You can't think of a good one. Sometimes there are reasons why DOJ might take an action that could possibly have some impact on election because there's a law enforcement reason to do it. Say a suspect is going to get away or you have to subpoena someone out or executed search or because evidence is going to be evidence is going to be destroyed. There's no law enforcement reason to do it now, and there are plenty of good reasons to wait. The not even a question of interfering with the election. So if they do it between now and November 3rd, it is absolutely clear, why.

Harry Litman [00:32:44]: Yeah. I mean, that's a great point. Sometimes you're trying to figure and applying that policy as a prosecutor. What is neutral? What would you be doing any way say? But this is a report. It may ripen into a criminal investigation, but as you say, I mean, the main reason is to give the information. So it would be gratuitous to actually drop it in October. All right.

Harry Litman [00:33:07]: It's time now for our sidebar feature, which explains some of the terms and relationships and events that are going on in the news. As you may have heard, the attorney general in New York has brought a lawsuit against the National Rifle Association seeking, among other things, to dissolve it. What's the case basically about and how strong is it? To explain, we have a very appropriate public figure, Kris Brown. Kris Brown is the president of Brady, one of America's oldest gun violence prevention groups. During her tenure, she has launched Team Enough, a youth initiative in response to the Parkland shooting and also End Family Fire, a safe storage campaign. She's going to explain what's up with the attorney general of New York's lawsuit.

Kris Brown [00:33:58]: New York Attorney General Leticia James on Thursday brought a mammoth civil lawsuit against the National Rifle Association. What is James alleging and how serious a risk is it for NRA leadership and even the organization itself? James' complaint alleges widespread and long standing violation of New York's laws governing not for profit corporations. The NRA has been chartered in New York throughout its nearly 150 year existence. Like other New York nonprofits, the NRA is subject to legal oversight to ensure it uses its donations and leverages its tax advantaged status to further its charitable mission and serve the legitimate interests of its nearly five million members. The lawsuit alleges that NRA leadership, especially longtime chief executive officer Wayne LaPierre, instead plundered NRA assets to fund a lavish lifestyle. For example, the complaint charges that LaPierre, who already pocketed a seven figure salary, used NRA funds to charter private flights for his wife and extended family. Took frequent trips to the Bahamas on a luxury yacht owned by an NRA contractor, expensed millions of dollars in gifts to his inner circle and engineered a lifetime employment contract valued at more than $17 million, without NRA board approval. There are similar charges of self dealing and misuse of NRA money against three other top NRA executives, all are allies of LaPierre. And the alleged vicious infighting in the organization, which in recent years has been in a financial tailspin. LaPierre and Company are also accused of unlawful retaliation against NRA employees who questioned their conduct. James is asking the court to dissolve the NRA based on the directors looting of corporate assets and the organization's alleged pattern of conducting its business in a persistently fraudulent or illegal manner. The suit also seeks to require LaPierre and other top executives to pay full restitution and penalties, including their salaries earned as NRA employees and to bar the men from ever serving on any New York based charitable boards. Finally, James made a referral to the IRS to investigate a possible series of criminal tax violations by LaPierre and company. In response to the state court filing by the New York attorney general, the NRA filed its own lawsuit in federal court, claiming that James violated its First Amendment rights and seeking a declaratory ruling that its actions were lawful. Since the attorney general's lawsuit has nothing to do with the NRA's lawful advocacy and rather is based on the NRA's alleged cell feeling and other unlawful conduct, the NRA's counter is unlikely to slow the case down. For Talking Feds, I'm Kris Brown, president of Brady.

Harry Litman [00:37:06]: OK, you know, there are like 16 other issues that we plausibly could talk about. But when I thought about this episode, I just think it's really valuable that we have three alums of the Department of Justice, both kind of rank and file and also upper level. And there's a burning issue that people have been thinking about. We don't know if it will come up, but we hope and that is with all the damage that the department has absorbed. What's going to happen, assuming Trump loses and Biden becomes the president? A new attorney general. A new day, and yet a legacy of real demoralization and also institutional damage to the very function of the Department of Justice and law enforcement in the public eye. What do you do in the happy event, I guess, but difficult one to try to just put everything right and restore the department to its institutional footing?

Ron Klain [00:38:15]: Well, I mean, I'll start. Look, I think that Vice President Biden made it very clear that the top of his agenda is restoring the institutional integrity and the independence of the Department of Justice. He will pick a competent and independent attorney general who will run the department with the kind of historic independence that his or her predecessors have enjoyed. And he will expect that to be the case. He won't be doing what President Trump has done, which is berating the attorney general not to recuse himself, critical cases in which he has a bias, basically egging on the attorney general to pursue his political rivals. All these things we've seen over the past three plus years are not going to happen under a Biden presidency, by restoring that institutional integrity and that institutional independence. I agree it's a big problem here because I think serious damage has been done to the department. Serious damage has been done to the norms that protect those things in the department. The sense of integrity to the department. And it will take time to regain all that. But I think that will start on day one of a Biden administration and we'll continue throughout its duration. I think it's important to say, though, that it isn't just about putting things back to the way they were. It isn't just about restoring that independence, also about having an agenda for pursuing justice that the Justice Department, that includes making sure we're vigorously enforcing voting rights protections, really expanding and stepping up the work of the Civil Rights Division with regard to voting rights, with regards to police brutality cases. With regards to a lot of the other issues that we're facing as a response to racism in our country. It means stepping up the action in the environment division to really make sure we're doing what we can to address environmental issues and address particularly issues of racial injustice and environmental issues. And so I think it starts with the idea of an independent, honest, faithful Justice Department, but includes rebuilding the parts of the department that really need to be doing work to expand a true agenda of justice in the United States.

Amy Jeffress [00:40:12]: I couldn't agree more with all of that, Ron. Also, the point about restoring integrity, which is so important to me, having spent 20 years of my career at the Department of Justice. And then I was also going to identify both of the issues that you did, the need for better environmental policies, and then also certainly police reform. And, you know, at the end of the Obama administration, there were some real partnerships that were in place to help police departments affect change. And those, of course, were dismantled when Jeff Sessions came in as attorney general. So but we do need to go beyond what was being done in the Obama administration. And I think there's an appetite for some real reform and dismantling certain police departments that have just such difficult problems that they can't function unless they're really completely revamped. And some police departments are doing that successfully and it's being written about. And I think that that's what's needed and I'm looking forward to seeing the change that we can bring about. It's so badly needed.

Matt Miller [00:41:06]: You know, I think the important thing to remember is we've been here before. Remember, the Bush administration ended with a massive scandal in the Department of Justice. Nothing on the level of what Barr is done. The things that Alberto Gonzales resigned for is minor compared to the scandals under Sessions or Barr. But the beginning of the Obama administration, I was there on Eric Holder's first day as Amy was, and it was the reaction he got from employees when he entered the building was like De Gaulle entering Paris. And it had nothing to do with Eric personally. It was about somewhat that the career employees recognized was himself a career person who is committed to the department's mission. The three points we talked over and over about the first year are rebuilding the department's reputation, restoring its integrity internally and refocusing on its core mission. Those are the things that are going to have to happen. And I think in terms of restoring the integrity in the building, I think that will be easy. I mean, the culture there is so strong. I think once you cleared out Barr and every other crony that he appointed, I think the career workforce strong and they'll be put back on track pretty quickly. The problem, I think that's going to take a long time to repair and I struggle with the question or whether it's possible is to rebuild the idea, the public's mind of a nonpolitical Justice Department.

Harry Litman [00:42:20]: Right.

Matt Miller [00:42:20]: And a commitment to rule of law that is nonpartisan and that when the Justice Department takes actions, it's doing it based on the law, not because the president is opposed to someone's policies or their politics. Trump has poisoned the well in a way that's going to take some time and it's going to take more than one president to rebuild that if we can do it. It will happen under a Democratic president. But I honestly think the question will really be answered when we see another Republican president. We decide whether this committed to a nonpolitical DOJ is a bipartisan commitment or it's only something exists now in the Democratic Party. I think that's a huge question.

Amy Jeffress [00:42:57]: You know, it's a great point, Matt. And it actually counsels against doing what Attorney General Holder did on his first day and parading it and making a big to do about change. I think that what Joe Biden has conveyed is that he wants a reset and he wants it level and he wants to stay out of the Department of Justice. And so I think that the next attorney general would be well advised to go in and say, 'We are going to cut it straight down the middle. We're not going to be political.' And not make a big deal out of any sort of partisan reset.

Harry Litman [00:43:25]: The point you raise about the public is the daunting one, especially because the Trump base now it's 30 percent. I mean, we're seeing who are the really completely, never say die Trumpers. They're not going anywhere. And perhaps neither is Trump himself or Fox News. And there will be now a significant contingent of American society, media and just population who will it will be dyed in the wool for them that whatever move you make is political and that will just be a reflexive reaction.

Ron Klain [00:44:03]: Well, look, I do think that Trump, Barr and the people they brought in there has taken a lot of existing problems in our country and made them infinitely worse. And so they are unique problem. But I think a lot of the dynamics we've been talking about certainly existed well before Trump. I mean, Amy and I worked together for Attorney General Reno and after Waco, the kinds of extreme views of people who hated the Department of Justice, Ruby Ridge, right through to Matt's time there, the Fast and Furious investigation.

Harry Litman [00:44:32]: Going back to the mid 70s.

Ron Klain [00:44:33]: Go back to the mid 70s all the way through. So there's always been this kind of tension around segment of our society that's viewed the Justice Department with suspicion and anxiety. And even in what we now consider a kind of the glory days of the Justice Department's reputation and independence, that wasn't a unanimously held view in American society. And there were plenty of people who had Trumpy views. Look, what's changed is that those people now a, include the president of the United States and unfortunately, the attorney general, that these views get new purchase and visibility due to social media, the Internet and all these things that allow them to get much more broad dissemination than they had 10, 20 years ago, and that there's kind of a whole media culture around spreading these things now through Fox and through OANN and through all these other things. So I think that this kind of tension has always been there. It's just much worse now and of course, especially worst because it exists in the Oval Office and on the fifth floor of the Justice Department.

Harry Litman [00:45:36]: All right. There's a coda for now. As the saying goes, there are problems here, but we should have such problems. We are nearly out of time, but we have our final feature on Talking Feds. Five words or fewer, where we take a question from a listener and each of us has to answer in five words or fewer. And today's question is from Romey Parrot. And it is, can Trump force schools to reopen? Answer in five words or fewer anybody want to go first?

Amy Jeffress [00:46:10]: Sure. I'll say, no, he can't. Thank goodness.

Ron Klain [00:46:15]: I'll go with even he knows he can't.

Harry Litman [00:46:18]: Five! Perfect so far.

Matt Miller [00:46:21]: Not a chance.

Harry Litman [00:46:24]: No states’ rights still exist.

Harry Litman [00:46:29]: Thank you very much to Amy, Matt and Ron. And thank you very much, listeners, for tuning in to talking feds. If you like what you've heard. Please tell a friend to subscribe to us on Apple podcast or wherever they get their podcast and please take a moment to rate and review this podcast. You can follow us on Twitter @TalkingFedspod to find out about future episodes and other feds related content. You can check us out on the Web. TalkingFeds.com, where we have full episode transcripts. And you can look to see our latest offerings on Patreon where we post discussions about special topics exclusively for supporters. Submit your questions to questions@TalkingFed.com. Whether it's for five words or fewer or general questions about the inner workings of the legal system for our sidebar segments. Thanks for tuning in. And don't worry, as long as you need answers, the Feds keep talking.

Harry Litman [00:47:30]: Talking Feds is produced by Jennifer Basset and Rebecca Low Patton. Our editor is Justin. Wright. David Lieberman and Rosie Don Griffin are our contributing writers. Production Assistance by Ayo Osobamiro. Our consulting producer is Andrea Harold on Miko's. Thanks very much to Kris Brown, president of Brady, for explaining the lawsuit by the New York attorney general against the NRA. And our gratitude, as always, to the amazing Philip Glass, who graciously lets us use his music. Talking Feds is a production of Delito, LLC. I'm Harry Litman. See you next time.

 

PERSON WOMAN MAN ECONOMY VIRUS

Harry Litman [00:00:00]: Hi, guys. Harry here. Before we start, I just wanted to tell you a little bit more about the very cool things that we do week in, week out on patreon for subscribers, who we asked to pay five dollars a month or three dollars for students. So we post ad free episodes like other people do there. But the rest of what we post is not like what other people do. Not like outtakes are a little bit extra, but really full and complete topics with different scholars and the most authoritative people in the country on important topics in the news or just other interesting points. So over the next few weeks, there will be five count them five full discussions with authors of new important books. Anne Applebaum, Norm Eisen, John Dean, Jeff Toobin and David Litt. All of these will be on Patreon.com and will be a great way to find out about the books and also to hear in-depth discussions with the authors. So I urge you to go to Patreon/talkingfeds and just see what we have there. You don't even have to subscribe, but once you see the different postings, we think and hope you might be tempted to give it a go. All right. Thanks very much. And now this week's episode.

Harry Litman [00:01:33]: Welcome to Talking Feds, a roundtable that brings together prominent former federal officials and special guests for a dynamic discussion of the most important political and legal topics of the day. I'm Harry Litman. By the end of a week in which the virus numbers seem perhaps to be stabilizing, though, and horrendous rates that still top the world.It felt as if the wheels might be falling off civil society as a whole. The protests in Portland continued and then proliferated as federal agents stormed in uninvited, ostensibly to safeguard the Portland Post Office, only to engage in a series of over the top conduct toward the protesters that inflamed everyone. The weekend announcement that the feds were pulling out restored a relative calm. But the president and attorney general promised to take the Headbanging Act on the road to other cities governed by Democrats. Bill Barr appeared for a long delayed testimony in the House and left little doubt that under his stewardship, the Department of Justice's primary lookout is the interest of the president and the Republican Party. That there is effectively no check on this corruption of purpose and that he stands ready to pull the levers at his disposal to further the president's reelection. And the president trailing badly in the polls and firmly tagged, despite his best efforts with responsibility for the country's abysmal record with the virus floated the idea of delaying the election for the first time in the country's history, prompting a swift rebuke from Mitch McConnell and others who have spent the last three years in lockstep with him. What really brought the weak crashing down, though, was an economic report weeks end that showed that the U.S. economy contracted in the last quarter at the fastest rate in nearly a century. It was the worst quarter in the economy on record, and the three month plunge erased nearly five years of growth. With jobless benefits due to expire and no consensus among the two parties for extending them, the economy and the virus were braided together in a miserable lash with no cogent plan from the national government for either of them. And of course, August's arrival means that the fall is accelerating toward us. With school reopenings completely uncertain and an election pondering bedlam and new levels of ruthlessness from the president. To take stock of these developments and their social and political implications, we have an awesome panel assembled.

Harry Litman [00:03:59]: First, E.J. Dionne appearing for the first time on Talking Feds. He is a Hilman Award winning Washington Post columnist, as well as a senior Brookings fellow. He's authored eight books, most recently Code Red How Progressives and Moderates Can Unite to Save Our Country. So good to have you, E.J.. Thanks for being here.

EJ Dionne [00:04:19]: It is great to be with you. I've been a fan of yours for a long time, so it's nice to be here.

Harry Litman [00:04:24]: Thank you so much. Were former colleagues until recently. Second, Rick Wilson, a political consultant, turned political writer. Rick Wilson, a co-founder of the Lincoln Project, is one of the scariest man in America. Though a lifelong Republican, he was an early critic of President Trump, whom he now torments daily with astonishingly effective ads to the endless delight of Democrats and his former political adversaries who used to be scared to death of him. Since leaving politics, he's published two books Everything Trump Touches Dies and the recent Running Against the Devil and launched a terrific twice a week podcast, the New Abnormal. Which he bills accurately as blunt truth and dark humor for our world in chaos. Rick Wilson, thanks so much for joining us.

Rick Wilson [00:05:12]: Thanks, Harry. I appreciate being back.

Harry Litman [00:05:14]: And finally, we're honored to welcome also a returning guest to Talking Feds congressman Jamie Raskin. A member of Congress representing Maryland's 8th District, serves among other committees on the Judiciary Committee, where he has been a piercing intellect in a series of hearings involving the administration. Also a professor of law emeritus at American University in Washington College of Law and the author of dozens of law review articles and several books, including Washington Overruling Democracy: The Supreme Court versus the American People. Congressman Jamie Raskin, thank you very much for returning to Talking Keds.

Jamie Raskin [00:05:51]: Maybe it's totally my pleasure, Harry. I I'm delighted to be on with EJ and Rick too.

Harry Litman [00:05:55]: Great. All right. So let's dive in. Let's let's start toward the end of this tumultuous week with this tweet from the president floating the idea of moving the election. You know, he's been claiming for months, of course, the election's going to be rigged. But this was a giant step farther and suggested the possibility of delay. Let's start here. I was really struck by the quick rebuke of the Republican elite. McConnell, even Pence, Steve Calabrese. How do you account for that? Is it just that it was such a crazy, crazy idea because he's had plenty of them before? Or is it an indication of. Some daylight opening up generally between him and the Republicans in the Senate especially.

EJ Dionne [00:06:40]: I think we should ask the Rick Wilson comments on his own party.

Rick Wilson [00:06:44]: Well, I think that brief little blip came at a point where there's a lot of tension inside the caucus. They all recognize that Mitch McConnell, maybe minority leader next fall. They are all starting to wonder how far they can split off from Trump without triggering either a tweet storm on his part or Fox to go after them. And they're in a tough spot. There are some red lines, apparently, where even Trump's cuckoo for Cocoa Puffs approach to the Constitution leads them to at least mildly clutch their pearls forrow their brows and say things like, well, no, I think he was joking or I didn't read it or I'm late for lunch.

Harry Litman [00:07:22]: Well, I didn't read and I'm late for lunch was the normal answer. But this was actually are we're gonna actually have an election. I mean, it was a firm pushback. No?

Rick Wilson [00:07:31]: It really was, relatively speaking, practically a declaration of war compared to what they've done in the past. And I do think, though, that it also comes at a time where McConnell is under extraordinary pressure from his own members because they're off for the weekend now as the six hundred dollar a week unemployment benefit has expired. The economy is is in freefall and it has turned ugly.

Jamie Raskin [00:07:51]: Well, right. And so it's an unworkable idea that he can't accomplish on his own or certainly without the house and a deeply unpopular idea. And I think they wanted to nip it in the bud. What I was hearing from Republicans was that the whole thing was just distraction and diversion from the collapsing economy and the terrible news about the GDP going down one third.

Harry Litman [00:08:12]: Yeah. I mean, the tweet came a whole 15 minutes after so that I can see that hypothesis.

EJ Dionne [00:08:16]: My first sense was, my God, this is an outrage. My second sense was he wants us talking about anything except the crash and the GDP number. But I had a third thought, which is we should take it really seriously any way, because if this goes hand in hand with his talk about a mail ballot election being corrupt, and I think he is setting things up to say and I guess David Rothkopf made this point, he only wants the election to depend on counted ballots on Election Day. If those show him ahead, then every mail ballot that comes in after that is declared a fraudulent ballot. And he wants to set things up to cry fraud, even if he loses by a big margin. Now, I think that the Republicans I think Rick Wilson's right. I think there are little indications that they are starting to pull away from him. I loved Ben Sasse trying to be a right winger and an anti Trump at the same time by criticizing the relief bill, by saying that the Trumpers and the Democrats are competing to see who can be the bigger spender. That's a pretty neat trick to turn Trump into a big spending leftist. But I think that was an indicator of, you know, Republicans are looking at the same numbers everybody else is and saying, 'you know, this may be a time to have a little bit of independence from the guy.' But I found it heartening because maybe if indeed Trump does try to pretend that a big defeat is actually fraudulent, maybe the Republicans will actually say no for the long run. If they don't do it on principle, they'll at least say, no, we can't make this our fight. This is going to hurt us for a long time coming. [100.9s]

Harry Litman [00:09:58]: Yeah. And notice, by November 3rd, things might be really different. I mean, let's stick with this for a second, especially the Republicans who are in cycle who are up for election. They must be pressing on McConnell to say, you've got to cut me loose at some point. There's got to be a time where their home interests make them have to try to put some distance between them and the president, no? But if that's right, then if you think about some Election Day maneuver, you'll already have had a number of people who are not in lockstep with him and will be probably repelled by the idea.

Jamie Raskin [00:10:37]: The difficulty is there is still this what I refer to as FOMC, fear of mean tweets. And those difficulties of being terrified of Donald Trump turning his ire toward you. That shapes the behavior of every Republican elected official in D.C. No matter how loyal they think they are, they know in a hot second he can turn on them. If Lindsey Graham is so nervous that he's trying to stay as far under water as he can. So Donald Trump never gets mad at him. All these guys are driven by that piece of behavioral terror. [30.8s]

Jamie Raskin [00:11:08]: I mean, he's basically re-created, his extremely dysfunctional family on the Internet.

Harry Litman [00:11:15]: Exactly. Well, is that so, Rick, actually sticking with you? You said the tweet shows a frightened narcissist afraid of losing. That's pretty pungent in of itself. But can you unpack it a little? Why is that how you read the tweet?

Rick Wilson [00:11:30]: Donald Trump has always had a kind of feral cunning when it comes to politics.

Harry Litman [00:11:33]: Yeah.

Rick Wilson [00:11:34]: Because he knows how to read the mark. He knows how to run a con. And in this case, there's not a lot of daylight for him. He understands his electoral path is narrowing. And so because he's this reckless sort of day trading narcissist, his thought is, 'I'm going to throw something out there. Maybe if it's close on Election Day, I'll get a couple of governors on my side or I'll get a couple of state legislative bodies on my side who will cause enough chaos that I can, you know. We'll see what happens.' He'll try to play it out. And because of that, I think he feels trapped. I think he's looking for distractions. I think he knows the economy is sliding down to Great Depression levels or worse. And so the chaos level that he's trying to induce by those things, it's very Trump ish. But it's also certainly something that we're not going to be able to--You can't look away from it.

EJ Dionne [00:12:24]: First of all, I agree with that. And I think that if you want to descend into nightmare scenarios, you can imagine in some states, Republican legislatures saying, 'Well, we're not sure about these results, we'll just elect a slate  of Republican and the electors.' That would be the extreme mess. But in terms of Republicans distancing themselves from Trump, they've got a problem. They've got what you might call the Dean Heller problem. Dean Heller, the senator from Nevada, where he was sort of embracing Trump, backing away from Trump, embracing Trump. And the problem with all of these vulnerable Republicans is they really do need some votes from voters who are going to vote against Trump if they're to have any chance of winning.

Harry Litman [00:13:07]: Right.

EJ Dionne [00:13:07]: ]But they also need the Trump base to turn out for them. And if they're too aggressive in courting the anti Trump vote, they're probably going to lose some of the Trump people as they move toward the Trump people. The middle of the road, voters who just can't stand Trump will say, all right, yeah, it's time to elect vote Democratic down the ballot just to get rid of all these guys, which is who the Lincoln Project has come to. So I think if you're a vulnerable Republican, you are in one of the most difficult places anybody's ever been in politics, given the nature of that Trump constituency and your need for it. [34.4s]

Rick Wilson [00:13:42]: Well, I'm just wondering if Trump has polarized the electorate in the culture so much that there really are very few people left in the middle, torn about anything. And whether the election really is about just figuring out how to mobilize voters, get them to figure out the rules in the particular state. Delivering the vote and then defending the election. It just seems to be very different from prior elections where there is some idea of kind of a mushy middle of voters that people are clamoring for.

EJ Dionne [00:14:12]: I agree with that. And there's more straight ticket voting now. If you look at 2016, the presidential race and the Senate races tended to go together. But for some of these folks, particularly people like Collins, Senator Collins in Maine or Cory Gardner, they're going to need some voters who are going to vote against Donald Trump to have a chance to win. That's why I think the odds are Democrats are going to take the Senate because there probably aren't enough of those voters. But their only path to victory is to pick off some Biden voters.

Rick Wilson [00:14:42]: Yeah, but to the extent the electorate now reproduces and reflects the psyche of Donald Trump, either you're with him or you're against him.

 EJ Dionne [00:14:50]; Yeah.

Rick Wilson [00:14:50]: I mean, he really has polarized the type of country.

Harry Litman [00:14:53]: That is the beauty of the introduction here. I just want to say, of the Lincoln Project, which now has a counterweight. What should we say? FOLPC or the new commercial will come out.

EJ Dionne [00:15:06]: The Jefferson Davis project?

Harry Litman [00:15:10]: I want to stick with this election scenario, what E.J. raised, and I think he did obliquely as well. Congressman. I think the overwhelming majority of states do have it in place that ballots that are mailed before the election but received after the election won't be counted. And you add to it the chaos of the post office and the new installation of a Trump partisan at the post office. You have nightmarish possibilities. Is anyone thinking, Congressman, about some kind of legislative solution to this problem?

Jamie Raskin [00:15:45]: Yes. Well, the Republicans are not going to allow us any kind of legislative solution to the problems that they're busily creating in the electoral sphere. I mean, we originally asked for four billion dollars to make available to the Election Assistance Commission to the states for the purposes of updating, modernizing and going to vote by mail in the middle of the pandemic. And they wanted zero. And we settled at 10 percent of what we'd asked for, 400 million. And they continue to say we passed the Heroes Act and with the remainder of the 3.6 Billion in there. And the Republicans continue to say that the states are fine and they don't need any more money. So I don't know, they'll be able to join that. We are going to have definitely a number of hearings about the post office to get on top of that. And some people think that there is going to be a real effort to corrupt the post office, to slow the mails and to create chaos, and little were all Reichstag fires to justify Republican legislatures invoking some problem and saying, 'oh my God, it's it's such chaos. We're just going to either not send electors or we're going to send them in for Trump.' So either it's that or they at least want to create so much fear of problems that people don't vote or, you know, that they're afraid to use the mails.. And they say, well, we'll vote on Election Day and then we'll start hearing about massive outbreaks and how it's dangerous to go outside right before Election Day. So they're going to play the con. And our job is to try to bring as much fact and order to the situation as possible. So we will be doing hearings and oversight committee as soon as we get back in September.

EJ Dionne [00:17:14]: Yeah, I'm scared to death of Election Day voting. I have a theory that this whole war on mail ballots is also a bank shot, which is to try to keep people away from mail ballots so that you have long lines, crowded polling places on Election Day. Because if you took a couple of places where there was no bad will involved, we'll take Maryland's where Congressman Raskin and I live and DC. These weren't places trying to suppress the vote. And they had a hellish time dealing with a big mail ballot election because they weren't accustomed to big mail ballot elections. And putting aside any chicanery, just the fact that states are going to be dealing with something like they've never dealt with before is going to create problems on Election Day. Now, I think if there's any good news here is that the three big swing states, Pennsylvania, Michigan and Wisconsin, have relatively permissive absentee voter rules, basically make it easier to get absentee ballots. They all have Democratic governors, which could make a difference in their not playing these games. But I think even if you had a well-run election, a lot of states are going to have problems with mail. And I am really worried that we're not going to have enough polling places. The people who used to take care of this for us were elderly people, retired people. My late mother in law, a Democrat and her Republican best friend, worked their precinct every year. God bless. Older people don't want to go to work the polls this time. I'm hoping that high schools and AmeriCorps, if they'll let them do it and other groups will try to recruit young people so we can open up polling places.

Harry Litman [00:18:58]: Yeah, it's a great point. All right. So I think it really remains to be seen. Will he double down on this after the response he got from his own home team? Or will he move on to other distractions? For now, though, let's move to the thing that E.J. and others posited. What actually were the impetus for this crazy tweet of his, which is this indescribably bad economic report that came out at the end of the week. I don't follow it as closely as I should. Let me just start there. You might have expected some bad news, but this is stunningly bad news. The worst quarter, arguably in history, wiping out nearly five years of growth. Did people anticipate it was going to be that bad?

EJ Dionne [00:19:45]: I don't think it was shocking that it was really bad because this reflects the last quarter and we saw what the unemployment rates look like. You've got 20 to 30 million people out of work. So I don't think it was--I think the number was shocking, especially when you annualize it. It goes over 30 percent. [00:20:04]Here's my worry. Michael Strain, a economists at the American Enterprise Institute--He's a conservative, but no friend of Trump's--made the point that these numbers that for the last quarter were so bad that you might actually, even if the economy doesn't really recover that much, see some small rebound in the next quarter. And Michael argues that it'll be a fake rebound. But if there's anything with a plus sign in front of it, you know that Donald Trump is going to take it and pretend that we're out of it. To use his favorite word these days, only embers of problems. Now, I don't think voters who are unemployed are going to be persuaded by that. But I think it's going to be very interesting how the awfulness of this number affects the next number we're going to see before the election. [49.0s]

Harry Litman [00:20:54]: But we're gonna see it like ours virtually before the election. The end of October, no?

EJ Dionne [00:20:59]: Yeah, well, that's in time to spin it and not enough time to really go into it deeply.

Harry Litman [00:21:05]: To counter spin.

Rick Wilson [00:21:06]: Remember the harm that did to McCain in 2008. Because we were in the most chaotic moments of the financial crisis and his campaign was already staggering. And he was barely off the matt. And then that was the ballgame. I think that that long week where he said he was going to suspend the campaign was coming, as you were hearing that bear was going under. And I believe the report came.

EJ Dionne [00:21:27]: That was September. That week was killer. I think that's the week the election was lost.

Jamie Raskin [00:21:32]: Well, just going to say that [00:21:33]every week or two they come up with a new name because the Republicans will use it kind of halfheartedly for a day or two. So I can't remember if we're still in the great American comeback or we're in transition to greatness, which always reminds me of Jonestown. He'll give it some tag. But the public understands that this has been an absolute debacle, that we're on our knees, that he's brought us into the dungeon as a society and as an economy. And so I just don't see it making much of a difference, whether it's 30 percent or 25 percent or 40 percent. It makes a lot of difference in terms of the lives of the people. But I think that the vast majority of American people have made up their minds that Trump is a complete catastrophe for the republic. And that's why his whole political game plan is just repress the vote, suppress the vote, depress the vote however he can. And then see what kind of electoral machinations he can come up with and then play a game with pardons to see if he can avoid going to jail.

EJ Dionne [00:22:30]: I'd like to ask both you, Harry and Rick, what do you make of that? Because I agree with Congressman Raskin. There were elections in our lifetimes that went down to the wire and were contested all the way. And there were elections where you had a sense early on that voters had made a decision and it would take something enormous to shake them off that decision. And it feels to me this feels much more like one of those elections where voters came to a judgment already and that it will take something very big to push them back to Trump. Rick, is it your sense of things?

Rick Wilson [00:23:05]: Look, I think in the Electoral College map, it's a closer run race than it is on the national picture. And that's the only thing that matters in my world. But I do think that a lot of voters have just washed their hands of it. I think there are a good number of shy Biden voters out there who are former Republicans or Republican leaning independents. And we're doing a lot to study those folks right now and we're finding ways to identify them appropriately. But I think most Americans have made up their mind on Trump. This is a guy who now has approvals in the 30s. It finally broke that 40 percent barrier. Just the American silo's of our politics kept Barack Obama and Donald Trump both from ever quite going below 40 for long. Once in a while, I pitched down there. But now Trump has broken that barrier and the trend line is headed south. It's not a place where you want to be if you're an incumbent president with a terrible economy, with low approval ratings and skyhigh wrong direction numbers. So I think the decision's been made by most Americans.

Jamie Raskin [00:24:02]: I mean, I'm impressed, Rick, and tell me if I'm misreading it. But I'm interested how much the Lincoln Republicans are willing to call out all of Donald Trump's enablers and collaborators within the Republican Party. Because we could be headed for a landslide election that not just ousts Donald Trump, but conceivably destroys the Republican Party. And they certainly deserve to be destroyed for the way that they propped them up, because my colleagues in Congress, they don't act like a political party that discusses things and debates or they act like a religious cult. I mean, if he wakes up and he says the dictator of North Korea is our best friend, he's our best friend. If he wakes up and he says we're going to nuclear war against the dictator of North Korea, then we're going to nuclear war. And they've suspended all critical thought. I mean, they they should be selling flowers at Dulles Airport.

Rick Wilson [00:24:50]: Congressman, you're exactly on point. [00:24:52]When I wrote everything Trump Touches Dies in 2017. It's still not quite congealed into the cult we know today. It was still there were still a little bit of agita out there among Republicans or so a little bit of eh. Now even the ones who whisper about it in private are a much smaller percentage. And the ones who believe in him now are the true believers. There what I called the Trump hotties. These are the bomb vest guys. They would do whatever he tells them. And these people, they've built this little media bubble for themselves. They built this little social media bubble for themselves with a complete alternate reality. And it has all the definitional characteristics of a cult. He has all the definition critics of a cult leader. And I'm surprised that Dawn Shinrikyo isn't selling his bath water to these folks and making them wear robes awaiting for the comet to come. [47.6s]

EJ Dionne [00:25:40]: This will be interrupted by an ad for Hydroxy.

Rick Wilson [00:25:44]:  Dr. Trump is a miracle elixir.

Harry Litman [00:25:47]: Yeah, well, and, you know, I just I'm no match for political savvy with anybody and podcast. But to just respond to E.J.. It certainly does have that feel because the cadre that Rick just recognize they're never going to go away. But it's just not not enough. Maybe, what, 60, 70 percent of the people that took him to the narrow victory before and those other 30 percent have redefined them. Suburban moms seem to be deserting him in droves. But it does feel that way to me. And, of course, I've been wrong in the past so often about Trump. But what strikes me as really killing for him is this one-two punch of the economy and the virus. I think a lot of people had the feeling that they would really take the blow to the economy and to normal life because that's what it would require to beat back the virus. But now here we are having taken an even bigger blow than we might have thought. And the virus is not going away. And as a parent of school children, we are hearing about the whole next school year being interrupted and the like. So we've endured the pain and we're nowhere. And that aspect of it probably both. But certainly the virus aspect of it rests completely with him. No one's going to think it anywhere but him. And that that makes it a referendum on a issue that I think he can't win.

Jamie Raskin [00:27:16]: Well, go the wild card player here, I think, is Vladimir Putin and Russian sabotage and foreign interference with the election.

Harry Litman [00:27:25]: Oy.

Jamie Raskin [00:27:25]: What's going to happen in terms of trying to conduct the election under COVID 19? I mean. Well, one of the encouraging parts of the response to Trump's tweet was people just saying, look, this is America. We had elections during World War Two and we had elections during the Civil War and we had elections in a Depression. And we can do this. And the spirit of those voters in Wisconsin was just inspiring beyond all get out. The way that they were on the streets for four or five hours with their masks on in bad weather. But they were just determined to vote. And the Democrats are not fooling around right now. And we've got all these independents. And then I think what Rick has done and what Lincoln Republicans have done is to validate and legitimate a lot of Republicans and I hear from them in my district coming forward and saying this is not what I served my country for. This is not what it means to me to be a veteran. And that veterans vote is really, I think, starting to turn against Trump after repeated provocations. I mean, you wouldn't think this stuff with John McCain would have been enough, but the policy betrayals and the stuff with Russia and the bounty on the heads of our soldiers in Afghanistan, I mean, that should be determinative of the election alone.

Rick Wilson [00:28:36]: Yeah. Look, we call Lincoln Republicans and independent leaning conservatives. They're still not going to be the majority of the Republican Party in this election. But this is a game of small numbers. And it's even as even Steve Bannon, the poet, sage and philosopher Steve Bannon, said, 'If the Lincoln Project peels off three or four percent of the vote in the swing states, Trump has done well.'.

Jamie Raskin [00:28:55]: That'll be remarkable. Three or four percent.

Rick Wilson [00:28:57]: Yeah, and we think that that is something we could get to.

EJ Dionne [00:29:00]: And it seems to be happening right now. If you look at the polls in the swing states that started to happen and you're almost at the point where if you can simply hold those voters, he's done. Trump's only real play in general is to attack the opponent viciously. And you saw that in the Republican primaries and you certainly saw that with Hillary Clinton. And I think his problem is that number one, Joe Biden is harder to attack because he is short of base numbers are better than Hillary Clinton's. I happen to like Hillary Clinton, but there were a lot of voters who didn't. And if you looked at voters who dislike both Trump and Clinton, they voted about 5-3 for Trump. They were the voters who decided the election. In this election because Trump is an incumbent and has a record and hasn't delivered for a lot of the voters she promised to deliver for, the voters who dislike Biden and Trump are voting for Biden. And unless he can reverse that, then even his patented go after the opponent, whether this stuff is true or not method, that method won't work this time because those voters have said, 'Yeah, I may not like Biden, but Trump is worse.'

Harry Litman [00:30:17]: That seems right to me. But also, it's just a referendum on Trump. It's unavoidable. I want to close this out with one quick question more on political results. Jobless benefits expire today and the Republicans, Democrats, and there's a big gap between them. Do the Republicans kind of have to cave on this? And quickly? It just seems to me that they're likely to get blamed if it remains like this. And does there not have to be a solution and fast for this problem?

Rick Wilson [00:30:46]: If they have any sense of self-preservation left andthat's an open question. If they have any sense of self-preservation left. They're going to realize that thirty two point five percent of Americans last month could not pay their rent or mortgage. And there is a tidal wave of foreclosures and evictions coming. I had a friend who's a hedge fund guy said to me, hey, you know, how many people were foreclosed in the big financial crash in 08, 09? I said, no, it was seven million, because our model right now is for 20.1 Million foreclosures to completion in the next 18 months. This is going to be the absolute permanent stain on a party that said we give more of a damn about Donald Trump than the American people. [37.7s]

Jamie Raskin [00:31:24]: But I agree totally with that. I mean, it has begun. This wave of foreclosures, of evictions. Are bankruptcies absolute economic misery. And there's so many state unemployment offices that are dysfunctional and people are already freaked out about that and not being able to see their kids. The new numbers, I think, put all kinds of pressure on McConnell to come over our way. Our 3 trillion dollar plan is not like a bargaining chip. This is a statement of what the need is in the country. And all the economists are with us on the Heroes Act now. So if they don't cave, then you know, they believe their election is really hopeless. Because what they're saying is they're not going to try to do anything to help anybody and they just want the economy to be completely in the gutter when Biden and the Democrats take over.

EJ Dionne [00:32:15]: I think the problem is that McConnell can't deliver his own people. When you look at this situation, the only number that Trump has that has been any good at all is on the economy. And one of the reasons he has had that okay economic number is because the Democrats really pumped up the number of the original relief acts, put a lot of money out there, gave a lot of money to unemployed people who spent it quickly because they had to and we didn't have as off--I mean, the result is very bad. But it would have been way worse without that stimulus. But a lot of Republicans didn't really like the first bill. It had to be broadened by the Democrats to get it through. And so, you know, I wrote a column this week saying Republicans really can't govern anymore. And I don't think McConnell can deliver. His conference is divided six ways from Sunday on this. And so it's really hard to negotiate with a side that is in complete chaos. Can McConnell, deliver enough members on anything to pass something. So I'm I'm more pessimistic about this than my colleagues. I hope for the sake of a lot of suffering people, I hope they're right. But I think it's very hard for the Republicans to get to the place where commonsense would say they ought to get.

Rick Wilson [00:33:36]: Absolutely.

Harry Litman [00:33:38]: All right. More to come. It's time now for our sidebar. And for the first time on Talking Feds, we're changing plans and rebroadcasting a previous sidebar. That's because it's an explainer from several months back that just goes to the heart of current news, namely Trump's proposal to push the election back. So in the explainer in this case is to our great good fortune Teller of Penn and Teller, who discusses here whether President Trump could cancel the November election. Penn and Teller, as most everyone knows, are the thinking person's magicians or I think I should say performers, because for over 40 years together, they've insisted on reminding us there's no such thing as magic. Only then to proceed to dazzle with their great chops and brilliant reconstructions of traditional magicians tricks. Teller, as everyone knows, is the silent partner in the act. So we are especially honored that he's agreed to break his silence to school us on this topic that is now in the headlines and taking on huge practical importance.

Teller [00:34:43]: Can Trump cancel the November election? As the Coronavirus spreads, several states have postponed their primary elections. But if the virus is still prevalent in the fall or returns after the summer, can the president cancel or postpone the federal elections? No. The president cannot directly cancel the elections. The Constitution requires direct election of representatives and senators and states that Congress sets the time and place and manner of congressional elections. Federal law sets the congressional elections on the first Tuesday after the first Monday in November. This year, it's November 3rd. Only Congress can change this. The presidential election is slightly different. Remember, the president is chosen by electors. The Constitution requires only that each appoints electors in such a manner that the state legislature determines. For the last hundred and fifty years, every state has appointed its electors by holding an election. Federal law says this appointment happens on the same day as congressional elections. So only Congress can change the date of congressional elections and only the state legislatures can change the manner of selecting electors. But what if it becomes impossible to hold the election on November 3rd? Could Trump continue to be president then? No. The 20th Amendment states that the terms of president and vice president end at noon on January 20th. At 12:01 one January 20th, 2021 the current president and vice presidents terms end and individuals elected this year, even if that's Trump and Pence, begin their term. On January 3rd, 2021, the new Congress is sworn in. In the unlikely event that no state holds a federal election, there will be no representatives and no new senators sworn in on January 3rd. However, senators hold six year terms and 65 will continue their terms of office. 35 are Democrats or caucus with the Democrats and 30 are Republicans. The Senate president of this 65 person Senate would be Democratic leader Chuck Schumer, and the president, pro temporary, would be the longest serving member, Patrick Leahy. On January 6th the electoral votes are counted by the president of the Senate. If an individual receives the majority of the electoral votes, he or she is elected. If no one receives a majority of the electoral votes, the House of Representatives picks the president from among the top three electoral vote getters and the Senate picks the vice president from among the top two electoral vote getters. Since no state held a presidential election, no candidate would receive any electoral votes. There would be no names for the House and Senate to choose from. Nor any representatives to vote. Without a qualifying president or vice president elect, the Constitution directs Congress to determine the president. The Presidential Succession Act directs that the Speaker of the House shall become president. If there is no speaker of the House, which there couldn't be, since there would be no representatives, then the presidency devolves to President pro tempore of the Senate. Our scenario would therefore result in the first term of President Patrick Leahy. For Talking Feds, I'm Teller of Penn and Teller.

Harry Litman [00:38:18]: Thank you very much, Teller, for explaining to us once again, we'll hope we can absorb it fully this time and no need for a third seminar whether Trump can try to cancel the election. We have time for one more issue. And I'd like to talk about the testimony of the attorney general in the House Judiciary Committee. It was the first time in either of his tenures. He did not get a warm welcome. Out of the box the chair told him that he'd endangered Americans and violated their constitutional rights. I guess the first question is the tongue lashing that he got and some really good lines of questioning from Congressman Raskin and maybe Swallow and Jayapal. Does it add up to anything or was it pretty clear at the end of the day, there's no real check on the attorney general between now and November?

Jamie Raskin [00:39:12]: Well, I think we laid down the law that we were not going to let him get away with anything. We were going to hold him up to public exposure and ridicule for acting like a partisan sycophant and running dog for the president instead of like the lawyer for the American people and United States. And we called him on everything. I mean, we called him on Michael Flynn. We called him on the Roger Stone part. And we called him out for the obscene assault on two thousand nonviolent protesters in Lafayette Square, where he violated every one of six rights contained in the First Amendment.

Harry Litman [00:39:48]: Yeah. You had a really great back and forth, let me say. Though let me also ask, what strategy did you have going in and would you have done anything different now in retrospect? Because, you know, your exchange is a good example, Congressman. You mainly made points for people rather than trying to pin him with questions. Did you had you concluded that that's really the best one can hope for? And do you think you were right?

Jamie Raskin [00:40:10]: Well, this whole five minute thing is a real inscrutable mystery. There are different ways of thinking about it. And you've got to figure out in any particular context, are you going in to try to get information? And these people give no information. Are we going in to try to beat him in a debate? I don't think so, because he's a clever debater with an essentially fascistic soul and mind and heart. So my decision. And then we all tried to work together.

Harry Litman [00:40:39]: Oh, is that right? You carved it up.

Jamie Raskin [00:40:41]: Yeah. We sort of got into the habit of that during the impeachment so that everything is covered. And that you probably noticed that one person's questions kind of led to the next person's questions, like mine kind of bled into Pramilla Jayapal. I was assigned the part and I was happy to take this part of looking at the way that Attorney General Barr has helped to block COVID 19 response and block the development of a national plan. And how when extremist right wing protesters shut down the legislature in Michigan and called for the life of, exacted death threats against Governor Wittmer, that instead of going in to beat up the protesters the way that he did in Lafayette Square, he sent lawyers in to join their case against the public health orders. And then so I was really going after his attempt to blockade public health orders and bring down what the governors of Virginia and <ichigan had been doing. So, I mean, in my five minutes, I wanted to associate him with the COVID 19 nightmare. And he really didn't like. I take credit only for drawing first blood and irritating him so that he would really begin to talk about what he felt. And I thought that the next questioner, Pramilla Jayapal, did a fantastic job of nailing him on the demolition of people's civil rights and civil liberties.

Rick Wilson [00:41:58]: She really cooked him.

Harry Litman [00:42:00]: Yeah, man, she was so impressive. I'm starting to get angry. Oh, yeah. So what did you guys, E.J. and Rick, think? It's true there were occasional flashes where you could see people got under his skin. He was generally so sort of phlegmatic and soft spoken. But he broke a few times. I don't know what it exactly adds up to. Besides a very unpleasant five hours for Bill Barr, though.

EJ Dionne [00:42:27]: I think for me, the most important words in that hearing were meat and potatoes. If you remember that moment when he was trying to defend the outrageous miscarriage of justice in favor of Roger Stone, the political interference in the Roger Stone case, and was trying to say that the crimes that Stone was accused of, the crimes that he was accused of, were not serious. I mean, this is a guy who seemed to be a go between with the Russians against it to spread disinformation. And these aren't serious, but these are somehow sophisticated crimes whereas meat and potatoes crimes now, those are the crimes that we should worry about. And what it really sounded like is the kinds of crimes committed by people of color or lower income people or traditional crimes. Those are the crimes we go after. But if you're wearing a suit and tie, those crimes really are just exotic crimes that we shouldn't pay attention to. It reminded me of that great old Woody Guthrie line. Some rob you with a six gun, some with a fountain pen. To rob somebody with a six gun, that's crime. And if you rob somebody with a fountain pen, forget about it. We only go after meat and potatoes. And I thought that was very revealing. And also his real inability to answer the question, why are these protesters in Portland threats that are worthy of federal intervention? But guys who are pro Trump, who go into the Michigan legislature carrying guns, we shouldn't have to worry about those people? I think she really as a Congresswoman Jayapal really got him on that.

Rick Wilson [00:44:05]: Yeah. And I do think there's one thing about Bill Barr. He relies on a sort of protective camouflage of looking and sounding like a gray man, Washington apparatchik, and delivering things that are kind of a dull procedural way. He's the most dangerous man in the country, in my view. And he has the most reckless and profound disregard for anything except his extraordinarily expansive view of the executive powers of the president. And so I think there's a certain degree of pressure that he felt, which was unusual. And Congressman Raskin and Congresswoman Jayapal and others started to rattle him a little bit. And I thought it was very worthwhile.

EJ Dionne [00:44:44]: This isn't an establishment guy who will take care of the Justice Department. This is a naked partizan who's going to use his Justice Department in any way necessary. And I agree with Rick. I think he is a--it's genuinely scary to think of what he might do with Justice Department between now and Election Day.

Jamie Raskin [00:45:03]: I mean, Barr confiscated the Mueller report and then he deliberately misstated the contents of it, repeatedly. Prompting not one but two letters from Mueller saying, 'What in hell are you're doing? You're lying to the people.' But he's just belligerent and just barrels right through.

Harry Litman [00:45:20]: What is your take on this, by the way? He repeated in the hearing this rosy scenario of, oh, I just I could have been a grandpa having fun with my grandchildren. I didn't need any of this, etc.. And he comes in and obviously he is willing to completely trash what had been a pretty fine reputation. He's going to go down, as you know, John Mitchell. That's quite sort of self immolation that you don't normally see in people in public life.

EJ Dionne [00:45:51]: ]My read is that if you look at that Notre Dame speech and some of the other speeches he's given, he is like a lot of socially conservative Trump supporters who believe that the culture is being led down some dangerous, hellish path by liberals. And that owning the Libs and defeating the Libs is worth every bit of the tarnishing of his reputation. And it's worth supporting Donald Trump for. And I think it's a shame. I think it's terrible for the country, but I think that is the choice he's made. [35.2s] I'm curious what Rick thinks as somebody who knows his own party better than I do.

Rick Wilson [00:46:31]: I think we're in a spiral right now. In some ways, there was always gonna be this breaking point with both political parties  in the immediate future. Where this nationalism on the GOP side was going to cause these stresses and this rising authoritarian strain that embodied by a guy like Barr was going to evetually. I mean look, Bill Barr is to the right of Dick Cheney on executive power. Let that sink in for a second. And has a guy who used to work for Dick Cheney, I can tell you, Bill Barr is to the right take on executive power, which is kind of a strange moment in our culture. But that's one of the things that led to Trump. This idea that in the in the minds of some Republicans, that you had to have an executive who was so overwhelmingly powerful and so overwhelmingly equipped to do whatever he could not accomplish legislatively or judicially, that you had to make those compromises. And I think that is an incredibly dangerous place for any party to be.

EJ Dionne [00:47:23]: Unless, of course, the president is Barack Obama, in which case executive orders on anything, including DACA, are somehow a vast overreach of executive power.

Rick Wilson [00:47:33]: Yeah. Well, look, I as a conservative, I think that we ought to use the process the founders intended, which is that the legislature would set the law and the courts would interpret said law and the executive would implement said law. I said this at the time, I think I wrote about this during DACA. I said, you know, Democrats are gleeful about this. This will come back to bite them someday. And I don't know who or when, but it will come back to bite them. And it did. And this is why abuse of power is is a danger.

EJ Dionne [00:48:04]: I salute all the work you're doing right now. I don't think DACA--President Bush also had executive orders on immigrants that allowed it legalized or quasi legalize the situation of a lot of immigrants. Nothing about DACA that Obama did compares to some of these abuses, period.

Rick Wilson [00:48:23]: Oh, no, I'm not even saying it was a comparable. Yeah.

Jamie Raskin [00:48:25]: No, neither did it open the door for anything that Trump has been doing on immigration, which has been completely lawless.

Jamie Raskin [00:48:31]: And that's that he's not even bother with executive orders on a lot of the immigration stuff. He's just using command and control.

Jamie Raskin [00:48:37]: But Rick's point, though, about the executive branch authoritarianism of the Republican Party is really important because this is what has defined Scalia going back to Rehnquist. And there's a really powerful impulse there to centralize as much power as possible for war making, national security state, the whole thing. And they viewed Obama as a blip. That was one of the reasons they wanted to do it illegitimate and invalidate his whole administration because they couldn't celebrate in exults executive power. Again, you know, and the same reason they impeached Bill Clinton and had to drive him out. But the standard, of course, is this whole thing about how presidential power is primary and shouldn't be questioned. I mean, there was a moment when Barr and I were really about to get into it. I don't know if you picked it up, but he said. 'Well, for someone who thinks that there is executive power overreach, you.' And then he didn't complete a sentence like he didn't want to go there because I'd been writing about this and about kind of what you were suggesting, Rick, which is we need a reassertion of the basic original constitutional position, which is that Congress is in Article one for a reason. It is the predominant and primary lawmaking branch of government. And the president's job is to be the commander in chief, not of the government or the country, but commander in chief of the army and Navy and the militias when called up into actual service. And then otherwise, the core of the job is to take care that the laws are faithfully executed. You know, and we've turned it so upside down where we've got a king and Trump goes around uncorrected. And undoubtedly egged on by Barr saying, I've got something called Article two, which allows me to do whatever I want. And Barr defends it.

Harry Litman [00:50:11]: And I think actually a corollary here, it's not just executive power, but a kind of fear and loathing of the legislature. And, you know, it's telling Rehnquist and Scalia had this job that was obscure to so many. But now we we know the importance of it. They head of the Office of Legal Counsel, and that's how Barr came to prominence as well. I do want to just underscore something E.J. said, because I do think it's a part of the puzzle. It's a little bit of a surprise. Barr sometimes seems an apparatchik or a kind of sophisticated actor. He can tell a joke, he has a sense of humor, but he really does have this side that the Notre Dame speech expressed. I used to work for him as you used to work for Cheney. And I'll tell a quick story, it's not talking out of school, which I wouldn't do anyway. But he was doing whatever he was doing in 91, all these things. And then there was the publication of the bombshell news that Woody Allen was taking up with his stepdaughter. And he said to justify it, something that had nothing to do with anything in the Department of Justice. The heart wants what the heart wants. And those seven words just weird dabar out and seemed to exemplify a whole kind of Sodom and Gomorrah aspect since the 60s of society. And he wrote a big speech about it and that that is really part of where he comes from.

Jamie Raskin [00:51:36]:  Explain this to me and maybe you can I just ask E.J., because he might be able to put this together. How do you square that kind of ferocious religious fundamentalism, authoritarianism with the marriage with Donald Trump, who is the most licentious and predatory and sexually abusive and trespassing president you can imagine?

Rick Wilson [00:51:57]: He's a scoundrel, but he's their scoundrel.

EJ Dionne [00:51:59]: Right. A lot of evangelicals have talked about Cyrus of Persia. He's not really one of us, but he's on our side. And we have reached such a crisis point. You know, the pastor of the First Baptist Church in Dallas talked about this, that they were looking for a strong hand to push back against all of this corruption. This moral corruption that they perceive in this society. So they will tolerate a lot of behavior from Trump because they believe that pushing back against these cultural forces that they oppose. And by the way, a lot of these voters started voting to the right and for Republicans, starting with civil rights. That's also a piece of this story. But the moral side, they can just justify it because Trump has the right enemies in their view.

Jamie Raskin [00:52:46]: Well, but just forgive the thought, then. I mean, it leads to the conclusion that the people who describe themselves as the religious movement or the religious right in America are interested much less in virtue or religious principles than they are in power.

EJ Dionne [00:53:02]: But there's a fascinating poll. I think it was either pure PRI. I think it was PRI where the question was: does it president's personal behavior have a big effect on what kind of president he is? It was better worded than that, obviously. Before Trump showed up, evangelicals, white evangelicals overwhelmingly say yes, a president's personal behavior really mattered. After Trump showed up, the numbers flipped the other way. Trump has created a alas this corruption, I think, of an attitude toward the presidency. You know, in the first instance, they were thinking about Clinton. [36.7s]

Jamie Raskin [00:53:40]: But I'm talking about Trump's public behavior. Look at the assault on Lafayette Square. I mean, the Episcopal bishop of Washington denounced it. The Catholic bishop of Washington denounced it. The president of Episopalian church nationally denounced it. But you still have the right wing religion and they just turn a blind eye to them.

Rick Wilson [00:53:57]: Well, I can tell you, in 2015 and 16, we did tons of focus groups with with Republican voters trying to figure out a pathway to get them off of Trump. And we kept coming back to these evangelical voters who would say, 'Well, I know he's a sinner, but he's going to nominate judges.' And you cannot underestimate the judicial fetishism of the GOP. And I will tell you, and I've told everybody this, Trump's prospects in this race are contingent on Ruth Bader Ginsburg continued good health. And I hate saying it that way. It sounds really cold, but if this becomes a Supreme Court referendum fight, Republicans will be flocking back to him because that strain of judicial fetishism is so unbelievably powerful inside the party today. [41.0s]

Harry Litman [00:54:38]: Of all the ominous and terrifying thoughts that have been expressed today, I think we end with one and nothing. I think.

Rick Wilson [00:54:47]: Sunshine and rainbows.

Harry Litman [00:54:49]: All right. We have just a couple minutes left for our final feature. As Talking Feds listeners know five words or fewer where we take a question from a listener. And each of us has to answer in five words or fewer. Today's question is from Charlie Homans, who asks, Will the Durham report be delivered before the election?

EJ Dionne [00:55:13]: I say yes,.

Rick Wilson [00:55:15]: Yes. A fart in a hurricane.

Harry Litman [00:55:17]: Perfect. Five words.

Jaimie Raskin [00:55:18]: It will be pure propaganda.

Harry Litman [00:55:21]: Five words again. Unfortunately, yes.

Harry Litman [00:55:29]: There's been a great conversation. Thank you very much to E.J. Dionne, Rick Wilson and Congressman Jamie Raskin. And thank you very much, listeners, for tuning in to Talking Feds. If you like what you've heard. Please tell a friend to subscribe to us on Apple podcast or wherever they get their podcasts. And please take a moment to rate and review this podcast. You can follow us on Twitter @TalkingFedsPod to find out about future episodes and other fads related content. You can check this out on the Web talking Fed dot com or we have full episode transcripts. And you can look for our latest offerings on Patreon at Patreon.com/talkingfeds for add free versions of our regular episodes, but also discussions and even full episodes about special topics exclusively for supporters. So there's really a wealth of great stuff there. You can go look at it to see what they are and then decide if you'd like to subscribe. Submit your questions to questions@talkingFeds.Com. Whether it's for five words or fewer or general questions about the inner workings of the legal system for our sidebar segment.

Harry Litman [00:56:40]: Thanks for tuning in. And don't worry, as long as you need answers, the feds will keep talking. Talking Feds is produced by Jennifer Bassett and Rebecca Lowe Patin. Our editor is Justin. Wright. David Lieberman and Rosie Don Griffin are contributing writers, production assistantance by Ayo Osobamiro and Sam Trachtenberg, our consulting producer is Andrea Carla Michaels. Special thanks to Dan Drose for his great help on design and marketing. And of course, thanks very much to Teller for the second time for pouring water on the president's ideas about monkeying with the election. Finally, our gratitude, as always, to the amazing Philip Glass, who graciously lets us use his music. Talking Feds is a production of Deledio LLC. I'm Harry Litman. See you next time.

 

A MAN A VAN NO PLAN

Harry Litman [00:00:07]: Welcome to Talking Feds, a roundtable that brings together prominent former federal officials and special guests for a dynamic discussion of the most important political and legal topics of the day. I'm Harry Litman.

Harry Litman [00:00:21]: It was a week in which the president of the United States declared war on cities across America. In Portland, federal agents in military garb and unmarked cars stormed the site of protests, creating bedlam and reinvigorating the demonstrations. The president announced plans for a surge of similar troops in New York, Philadelphia, Detroit, Baltimore, Oakland, all of which he declared were being run by radical left Democrats. Local authorities in Baltimore and Philadelphia responded with promises to arrest federal agents who tried similarly heavy handed tactics in their cities. Meanwhile, two inspectors general initiated a joint investigation into the use of federal force in Portland and added to the case the infamous clearing of Lafayette Square for Trump's Bible photo op last month. Elsewhere, Trump renewed his combat with immigrants, publishing an executive memorandum that purported to exclude illegal immigrants from the census count, a result flatly prohibited by the Constitution. And he promised to issue more such envelope pushing presidential memoranda going forward. And on the international front, Trump took aim at China, whom he already has blamed for the Coronavirus, which eclipsed four million cases in the United States, with daily rates hitting over 70,000 and daily death toll surpassing 1000. Trump shut down the consulate in Houston amid signs he was looking to scapegoat China should he lose the election, a result that seems to grow more likely by the week. All in all, the president's viciousness, his indifference to law and his insatiable need to find and then try to destroy adversaries have never been clear and never seemed more dangerous than in this past week. To break down the huge events of the week, we have a rock solid crew of charter feds, both great analysts and great friends. They are first Frank Figeliuzzi. Frank is an NBC News national security contributor and former FBI assistant director for counterintelligence, as well as the special agent in charge of the Bureau's Cleveland division. I thought I knew Frank pretty well, but I learned a new fact preparing for this podcast, which is that his first name is Ceasare. Is that right?

Frank Figliuzzi [00:02:48]: Yeah, in Italian, that's it. That's my father's name. We've got a lot of confusion in our town. So I went with my middle name.

Harry Litman [00:02:57]: Welcome back, as always. Next, Paul Fishman, currently a partner at Arnold and Porter. He's the former U.S. attorney for the district of New Jersey. And before then held multiple senior positions at Main Justice. Thanks for being here, Paul.

Paul Fishman [00:03:12]: Always a treat to be here. Thanks.

Harry Litman [00:03:14]: And Joyce Vance, a distinguished visiting lecturer in law at the University of Alabama and an MSNBC contributor. Joyce served as the United States attorney for the Northern District of Alabama from 2019 to 2017. Welcome back. Joyce Vance.

Joyce Vance [00:03:30]: Good to be with you.

Harry Litman [00:03:32]: All right. Let's start with federal troops storming into United States cities. We've all been thinking a fair bit about this, and Joyce has just written a piece about it in Time. Let's start with the legal basis for being there in the first place. Is this bad law, bad policy or both?

Joyce Vance [00:03:54]: So I think this is the right question for us to be asking, Harry. And one of the worst issues with the Trump administration comes home to roost here, and that is how incredibly successful they've been at avoiding any kind of oversight. Because any other attorney general would have had to have issued a public statement by now, probably six or seven days ago, explaining precisely what federal law enforcement, which agencies were involved, what they were doing and what the legal basis for their presence was. There is certainly a lawful scope for for federal activity here. Certainly, there would be the U.S. Marshals and others legitimately engaged in protecting federal buildings like the courthouse in downtown Portland. The problem is the reporting and the visual images we see out of Portland suggests that there is law enforcement activity that goes beyond the obviously lawful scope of what can be permitted. And so we need to have answers both from the attorney general and from the acting secretary of DHS have not heard a lot of demand for those answers yet. But I think we need to get them so we can analyze whether this is legitimate conduct or not.

Paul Fishman [00:05:12]: Harry, it's sort of interesting, right? When they created DHS, Department of Homeland Security, Congress added a statutory provision that basically gives the secretary the authority to call up extra law enforcement personnel to protect property that's owne or occupied by the United States government. And it gives them the authority to have those people carry weapons, to do investigations of whatever criminal activity is threatening that federal property. And they can investigate on or off the property. In concept, that's not that's not crazy. But the execution of this, as Joyce has described, is really quite stunning for a couple of reasons. First of all, at a moment in time when there was a very, very robust dialog going on across the country about how police should behave, what police should look like, what kinds of interactions they should have with the community, what the administration has done here is send into the streets of Portland a bunch of law enforcement officers who look like they are from the military. And that is not helping to resolve the issues that we've now are having these discussions about. So that's the first products like throwing gasoline on the fire. That's a bad thing.

Paul Fishman [00:06:17]: The second is, I don't know whether you or or Joyce or Frank have had a chance to look at that video of the two of these folks who are obviously from the Marshal Service or from somewhere in Homeland Security, either ICE or from CBP or maybe even the Federal Protective Service, who walked up to a guy on the street, not at a protest, nowhere near anything violent that was going on and basically steered him off into an unmarked van, videotaped by or recorded by some other protesters. And what was stunning was a few days later. Well, if this is right, there is very little oversight. They actually did try to explain what happened in that episode. And what was amazing is what good officials from DHS said was that there had been a protest. There was some violence directed toward these federal officers of a laser shining in their eyes or someone throwing something at them. And to be fair, that's an assault on a federal officer and maybe they can investigate that. That's fine. But what they said was they didn't want to wander into the crowd and talk to this, to talk to these people. And so when one of the people they wanted to interview peeled off from the crowd to a quieter spot, they went over to talk to that fellow, they said. But they then claimed that because there were other protesters around, they decided that they needed to take this person to a quiet area so that they could interview this person because they, quote, needed to question him. They claimed it wasn't a custodial arrest. But the only two ways they can take this fellow off the street constitutionally is either to arrest him if they have probable cause or to say, would you like to come with us? And if he says no, then he didn't. So they take him to a quiet area. We don't know where it was. Maybe it was a federal courthouse. And then they said they had to get out of the area. They claim that they released him 20 or 30 minutes later, quote, because they did not have what they needed, close quote. What that means is they actually arrested this guy without probable cause, asked him some questions and then released. They're just not allowed to do that in America.

Harry Litman [00:08:17]: Yeah. I mean, and you'll notice. So a judge, yesterday or this morning, enjoined them from doing just that with lawful observers. And I really want to second what Joyce said. I don't know if it was like this for me, for you guys, but basically we heard about it when they were already there and they were there in these unmarked cars and unidentified without badges like some sinister thing behind the Iron Curtain. All right. But doubling back. So both of you start with saying it could be legitimate, though you identify pretty thin reed, which is the protection of federal property. Need there be some predicate made out? Need there? You know, other than, you know, the surmise of the attorney general may be property could get hurt. Does there need to be something before they storm in like this?

Paul Fishman [00:09:12]: Well, there's a proportionality issue, right? To the question, I'm not saying that there can never be a circumstance in which the president of United States or the secretary of homeland security can call in law enforcement reinforcements to protect federal property or the lives of people who are in danger. But this is not that case.

Harry Litman [00:09:33]: No, I see that. But I'm just saying let's say there is literally this was just the sort of vestiges of a kind of 50 day demonstration in Portland. If they don't have any concrete indication that federal property is under some threat, may they not come in in the first place? Or may they come in just to make sure everything's OK and then then begin ransacking.

Frank Figliuzzi [00:09:55]: I don't want to go down the rabbit hole of saying, as you guys referred to, that feds can never come in and assist the city or or exercise authority. There's an irony here that I find really interesting, which is that in the state of Oregon, federal agents are broadly recognized as peace officers. This isn't the case everywhere. Not nor is it as broad everywhere as state of Oregon. permits. Which means that even though you're a federal agent, you could make arrest on local and state charges if the crime is committed in your presence or even, if it's a felony, if you have probable cause. So it's it's fascinating to me that we have this state official saying we don't want you here, but it's the state officials who have granted federal agencies broad authority. And I would hate to see as in the aftermath of this, that kind of authority go away, because when I was in the FBI, we fought state by state to be recognized as peace officers. It's very important when you're partnering alongside officers on task forces, etc. But they may have the lawful authority to do this deployment. But it's the execution that I would assert is unlawful. It's the way they're doing it. And by that, I mean, just as Paul has just described. Grabbing people off the street who seemingly have not even under federal authority, if you're arguing federal jurisdiction, they're nowhere near the federal building nor posing a danger simply to the federal building. If you're arguing, hey, we're doing this as peace officers recognized by the state of Oregon. Well, then you've got to have this crime committed in your presence or probable cause for a felony. And they don't have that either. So no matter how you look at this, I believe they have exceeded their authority. And I think this is a scary, scary path that we're on toward essentially a deployment of a secret police.

Harry Litman [00:11:41]: Yeah, I got to say, I can't think of a precedent. Your mind goes immediately to other combustive situations in Chicago, 1968 or L.A. 91 or whatever. But all of those were times in which the feds were really needed. And the very few times I can think to the contrary, maybe in the civil rights setting, you understand why they were coming in. But this clearly sort of antagonistic headbanging and again, with this feature of not clear who they are and there's a real dispute about whether they've really even made lawful arrests or have just been kind of there. As you say, Frank, a sort of sinister, you know, anonymous presences.

Paul Fishman [00:12:25]: There are two quick things, though. One is, first of all, I don't remember exactly because I wasn't quite old enough the circumstances under which there were federal officials in Chicago in 1968. But in the early 1990s when the feds went to Los Angeles in the wake of the acquittal of the folks who beat up Rodney King and almost killed him, they were asked to come in by the governor of California. And here, that's one thing. The second is I take Frank's point about the peace officers thing in Oregon, which is a little unusual. But the same time Portland is had been somewhat more fractious relationship with federal law enforcement. There's been an ongoing dialog there for at least a decade about the extent to which the local police wanted to be part of the joint terrorism task force of the FBI. And so there has been, I think, a little bit of some discord about how those federal and state relationships should work. And that makes this all the more dangerous, because if there's not coordination and there's not cooperation, Frank knows this way better than than the three of us, then it is a disaster waiting to happen because then you have law enforcement who don't want other war enforcement to be around and that's very problematic.

Harry Litman [00:13:32]: It's more than a lack of coordination. There's, you know naked antagonism. The mayor got teargassed. Both senators from Oregon have initiated the IGs investigation I talked about at the top. So we have, by the way, two IGs. Presumably, two are stronger than than one when it comes to potentially being discharged by the president. But what exactly will they do?

Paul Fishman [00:13:57]: I don't know, it's Friday, right?

Joyce Vance [00:13:59]: It is a Friday.

Paul Fishman [00:14:00]: So one or both of them could be fired tonight.

Harry Litman [00:14:04]: What will they be looking into? And is that much of value? Joyce has made this general point, and it's a perfect example of eluding accountability. I'll give one other component of it, which is the installation everywhere, it seems, of acting officials who've never had to face Congress. And we have an acting head of homeland security and it's been acting for like over a year. That's another way to just avoid the normal levers of accountability. But what could an IG report do here? And is it just a kind of a slingshot against a cannon?

Joyce Vance [00:14:41]: You know, the IGs could play a significant role here. They are not typically a fast moving process, but they have broad jurisdiction and as much independence as they're willing to exert. And so, as Paul does a really good job of pointing out, we've got an acting secretary at DHS who doesn't understand what probable cause looks like for an arrest and concedes during a press appearance that his folks didn't have probable cause when they made the seizure of an individual off the streets in Portland. That's something that I expect his inspector general will now be looking at. And they'll be examining the training and whether there was compliance with local laws in Oregon that required that federal agents before they were deployed have training in Oregon law and that certifications be filed. So there is a lot of stuff for the inspector generals to look at. The question, I think, is whether they will have independence or whether the White House will try to rein them in. And what they'll focus on in this very messy situation, if they're going to stick with technicalities like whether or not certification rules were complied with, they may well find that there were violations. But those violations may not be very compelling, at least to the public. I hope that they'll look at these larger issues to the extent that they have jurisdiction to. What Frank was suggesting is that we need to help preservation of the ability of federal law enforcement to work with state and local law enforcement. That's so critical. We all, I think, feel that deeply. There's also this issue that Frank suggests of improper deployment, of carrying this out in a bad way. The IG's of course can't talk about, you know, whether it was bad or good, whether it was something that was distasteful, sort of an awful but lawful scenario. What they can do, though, is they can go back and look at their agency regs, they can look at the law and they can see whether these deployments were an effort to avoid complying with the law, which they increasingly look like.

Frank Figliuzzi [00:16:48]: Well, I'm not optimistic in this current environment about any IG getting to the bottom as much at this point. And boy, I echo Joyce's comment. They take an awfully long time. It's very unusual for them to be successful when they're investigating in real time while the alleged misconduct is going on. They usually come in after the fact and they're good at that. But doing it in the middle of employment is going to be very problematic. And one of those things, one of the reasons why is because I'm sensing from the way this is happening that there is chaos in terms of administrative records, documentation. We don't know badge numbers. And I because there's multiple agencies involved, CBP, HSI, then cross over to the DOJ and you've got marshals, you may have Federal Protective Service among the troops on the ground and Border Patrol. And so it's just a nightmare of being able to figure out who's doing what. What are unit commanders? Who are they? What what are their orders? It's gonna be just extremely complicated. But here's what I like about this. I like the fact that it's it's a wakeup call to the agents on the ground going, oh, oh, wait a minute, we may be held accountable for what we're doing. And that means that their unions, their agent associations are going to start coming in, go and say, hey, folks, we may have a problem here. And I like that it's going to generate some introspection and some concerns about accountability among the boots on the ground. I think that serves a purpose.

Paul Fishman [00:18:25]: Yeah, that's a great point, Frank. The only thing I was going to add, Harry, is that this has been billed and publicized by the White House and by DHS as effectively a DHS department Homeland Security operation. But at least one pleading that the government filed in court send the 114 agents participating from DHS and the United States Marshal Service. And I wondered why Mike Horowitz, the Department of Justice inspector general, was was involved. And that's one reason, I think. But the second is that at the same briefing where they were describing that incident with the van, the officials from DHS talked about the fact that the United States attorney and the United States attorney's office are at their roll call giving them legal advice about how to proceed. That's going to be a very interesting thing for the inspector general to look at, too, I think. To see what the interaction there has been between the U.S. attorney's office and the agents.

Harry Litman [00:19:15]: Yeah, this would be a whole other show, but I would just note to Joyce and Paul have in this seat, as I have to, would be a pretty funky situation if you had all these troops coming into your district. At least the initial indication is that U.S. attorneys haven't even been briefed about it. But you do have the president who has promised to take the road show to all nasty liberal outposts like Philadelphia and Baltimore, where you have DAs is now promising to arrest federal authorities who they think act unlawfully. I mean, if one side doesn't blink, we're looking at the most sort of direct square off between feds and states since the Civil War, it seems to me. Or at least the civil rights era. Are Trump's promises to redouble here to be credited?

Joyce Vance [00:20:03]: This is so troubling, this conflation. Because as Trump talks about moving on to cities like Chicago, at least putting the best face on it, he's talking about the kind of traditional law enforcement activities that the federal government has often conducted jointly with state and local partners. That is investigation and prosecution of criminal violations, typically serious violent crime. He is somehow conflating that with moms peacefully protesting, asserting their First Amendment rights on the streets of Portland. I don't think we should let him get away with that conflation. Those two things are not like each other. And that's what's so fundamentally un-American about this whole mess.

Paul Fishman [00:20:45]: In the last week, aside from operation in Portland, which they are calling Operation Diligent Valley.

Harry Litman [00:20:53]: I hadn't heard that before.

Paul Fishman [00:20:54]: I know it's a quite an name. It is as if valor is not always diligent.

Harry Litman [00:20:57]: Thank you my seige! Yes. Verily, I'm off to do valor diligently.

Paul Fishman [00:21:02]: Exactly. I'm actually impressed in the midst of memorizing person, woman, man, camera, TV that the president was able to memorize the words Operation Diligent Valor also. That's a whole other.

Harry Litman [00:21:10]: And repeat them 10 minutes later, apparently.

Paul Fishman [00:21:13]: Exacly, I don't wanna make light of this right. There is another option. There's a whole other side of this that Joyce just described directly, that there's something going on with the way they announce that they're now going to move some CBP folks in to Seattle.

Harry Litman [00:21:24]: That's Customs Border Patrol.

Paul Fishman [00:21:26]: So maybe that's part of this Operation Diligent Valor, protecting federal property idea that turns into something very different and terrible. But the law enforcement stuff, they do have this thing going on. Kansas City called Operation Legend. And it does sound like that there was a big dust up between local law enforcement, local officials and the federal government over what the role would be. The mayor of Kansas City has now said if this is in fact just an augmentation of the existing federal law enforcement presence in Kansas City, then that will be fine with the mayor. As long as they are not going to be involved in the kinds of things that they've been doing in Portland. And the Mayor Litefoot in Chicago basically just said effectively the same thing. That as long as they are just coming in to reinforce the existing federal law enforcement presence to deal with actual violent crime of the type that the feds work with the locals all the time in cities across the country, then she won't object to that. But as soon as there's any hint that it's something else, then I think we're going to see the kinds of real anger that you've been hearing about in Portland.

Harry Litman [00:22:28]: Yeah, that makes sense. And much of this, of course, is the prism of television. Even Barr himself has said this is classic crime fighting. But, you know, when there are episodes like that, they're going to fan the flames. Now, of course, as best we can tell, in Portland, they weren't really counterposed by much of what you would call a classic crime fighting activity and normal arrests. So.

Paul Fishman [00:22:48]: The other thing that's weird about it, too, is that typically, at least the administrations I've been a part of these sort of law enforcement of are not announced by the president of the United States from the Rose Gardem.

Harry Litman [00:22:56]: Right.

Joyce Vance [00:22:57]: Well for operational security reasons, right? I mean, that was the first thing that you saw here. Not in danger, as if if they're contemplating arrests of violent criminals, which is what they're talking about in Chicago. We've all done these surge operations. You don't announce them until they're over.

Harry Litman [00:23:13]: All right. Well, this is obviously going to be playing out over the next several weeks. I find it hard to believe that they'll double the temperature, which is already at boiling point, but it wouldn't be the first time to be continued. It's now time for our sidebar, where we take a moment to explain some of the terms and relationships that are foundational to events that are in the news. And we're very pleased to welcome Sharon Washington, a longtime star of stage and screen who most recently appeared opposite Joaquin Phenix in The Joker. And in ABC' legal drama For Life. He's also long been a luminary on the stage where she originated the role of the lady in the critically acclaimed Broadway show The Scottsboro Boys. Sharon will explain how federal sentencing works.

Sharon Washington [00:23:59]: How does federal sentencing work? Congress sets a maximum and in some cases mandatory minimum penalty for federal crimes. But within that range, the defendant's actual sentence is determined by the federal sentencing guidelines. The calculation of a guideline sentence is complicated and begins with the pre-sentence investigative report, which is a thorough review of the defendant and crime written by a probation officer. The report guides a judge to calculate offense level and criminal history scores based on the circumstances of the crime, the defendant's role, acceptance of responsibility and other potentially relevant factors. Those scores correspond to a guideline sentence that might include a term of prison, fines, restitution and other punishments. The guidelines also identify circumstances that may warrant a departure from the recommended sentence. Such as, if defendants provide substantial assistance to the government in prosecuting others or the case presents a factor not taken into account by the guidelines. The Supreme Court has held that judges must calculate and consider the guideline sentence, but may choose a different sentence even without identifying a basis for departure. And judges do so in about 20 percent of cases. Since the reinstatement of the federal death penalty in 1988, 78 defendants have been sentenced to death. Three have been executed and 12 have been removed from death row. For Talking Feds, this is Sharon Washington.

Harry Litman [00:25:35]: Thank you, Sharon Washington. Sharon's solo play, Feeding the Dragon, about growing up living in a custodial apartment inside a branch of the New York Public Library--you heard that right--is available to listen to on Audible. Let's move now abroad and to the Trump's focus on China both as a scapegoat for the virus and as potential scapegoat for the upcoming election. Frank, I know you've written about this. Can you kind of set up what Trump seems to be doing with China?

Frank Figliuzzi [00:26:11]: Sure. And although it may not seem like it on its face, our discussion about what's happening in Portland and what I've written about with regard to Trump and China are not distinct and shouldn't be viewed separately. By that I mean, we have a president that has told us he wants to be a wartime president. Back in March in the context of the Coronavirus response, he said something to the effect of 'I think I must be a wartime president now.' He's been seeking that out and he's in search of adversaries. And so on a domestic front, we've just spent a great deal of time talking about his adversaries that he's fabricating on the so-called liberal mob, as he calls them, and Democrat controlled cities and states. And he's sending his troops in to do battle there. It's a similar thing as we lead up to November. And he's way down in the polling, in his search for a foreign adversary. Somebody, some country, some entity we can coalesce around in his mind and see as a scapegoat and see as a threat. And that is clearly developing and turning out to be China. And here's why. We've now heard for months in the context of the virus response that this is all China's fault. And just in one month alone, in a two week period he called the virus that China flu over 20 times. He's called it the Kung flu. He's called it the Wuhan virus, as have the attorney general and the secretary of state. We're looking at a scapegoat, but it's more than just deflecting attention away from his poor response of the virus. Because now what he's been signaling to us in numerous public speeches from the Rose Garden, from Mount Rushmore, other places is that there's going to be foreign meddling in mail-in ballots in November. We should be very worried, he says, about the mail in ballots because a foreign power could inject and insert fraudulent ballots into the system. And he snipped one day, Harry, which really got my attention. And he said, it's going to be China. It's not going to be Russia. It's going to be China.

Harry Litman [00:28:14]: And some of his tweets, in fact, just interjection. More than maybe I mean, he's had a couple of tweets have just said it's going to be the most rigged election in history, you watch. It's a flat out prediction.

Frank Figliuzzi [00:28:24]: Yeah. He said repeatedly in tweets, rigged election 2020 will be rigged. We are headed to a situation where he's going to blame foreign power involvement, likely China. And here's the deal. I'm here to tell you, as the former head of counterintelligence at the FBI, China is a bad actor. They they are bad dudes. And so they can and want to hurt us. So it's it's a perfect, attractive target for him to say, 'Yep, it's China.' They gave us the virus. They gave us election medaling. And so you've seen it even recently with the closure of the consulate, the Chinese consulate in Houston. I'm not saying it should not have been closed. In fact, I'm saying that the long overdue action. But I'm saying, why now? Why isn't he doing the same thing to Russia when there's equal, if not greater concerns about Russia as a threat to our election and our nation?

Harry Litman [00:29:12]: Is, in fact, he making the same charge? In other words, is the notion going to be the same kind of social media meddling? The attorney general in an interviews seem to be entertaining this fantasy that somehow China is going to counterfeit millions of ballots. And, you know, when asked, well, how do you what's the proof for this? He said, well, it's obvious. That wouldn't go over to our normally in the courts. But are they just putting Russia's 2016 mischief in a new Chinese suit or are they there to find different kinds of content?

Frank Figliuzzi [00:29:49]: A couple of things going on. First, this is kind of a masterful chess move. It's not going to play out in victory in the long term. But think about it. He's been so steamed and livid over the Russia inquiry and the implication that his presidency is illegitimate, that he's going to turn this on its head and say, 'Oh, oh, really? You think the Russians helped me get into office? I'm going to claim that the Chinese are working on behalf of Joe Biden.' And he doesn't need to ultimately prove that it happened. He needs to plant enough of a seed of doubt in the American voter's mind that we have chaos come November. And even more chaos if indeed our intelligence service tell us, 'You know what, we think maybe China did do something.' Because the reality is that the mail in ballot experts tell us that, 'Look, in most states, we've got bar codes. We know how many mail in ballots we've sent out. We know how many will come back. This is not a real concern for us.' But if you hear it enough, it could become true in your mind. And that's all he needs to do. And he's got accomplices in this in the form of Pompeo and Barr. As you said, Barr has already said, 'Big concern of mine for mail-in. Real, real concern of mine in the ballot balloting.' And then, of course, we know that Pompeo has came out with this ridiculous statement about the virus, saying he had overwhelming evidence that it came out of the Wuhan lab. When in reality he had to retract that weeks later because there was no evidence. So we're in a mess with a DNI who's a crony of his, inspectors general who he has replaced. And it's all headed toward kind of a signal that he's he's painting China as the bad guy, lumping Biden in with China. He's got his domestic enemy in the liberal mob and he's got his foreign adversary in China.

Paul Fishman [00:31:28]: This is a confluence of all of the things that have all motivated this president, right? And before he was president, there's always someone who is the other. There's always someone who is the enemy. Sometimes it's individuals. Sometimes it's groups. It's the media. It's the deep state. It's liberal anarchists, Democrat mayors. It's the Chinese. And there's always somebody. And it's almost like he keeps trying to find ones that will stick so that his base or voters generally will try to come along with him for the ride. But the fact he's been casting about so often now suggests that he is worried about the way this election might go. But also, the other thing about this is while the claims that he's made and that Barr and Pompeo made are all incredible in so many ways. This is where our discussion before about policing and about the use of the military and law enforcement and about China and elections all sort of comes back to the same point. Which is that, in some ways, the most damaging aspect of the Trump presidency is--maybe it is the most damaging, but it's so hard to tell anymore--is his deep, deep, deep efforts to try to undermine all of the institutions of liberal democracy. Our trust in the media. Our reliance on the CDC. Our ability to count on elections being honest and fair. The fact that you can believe what people in public life tell you. The fact that you can trust the police most of the time to do the right thing. The fact you can trust the person who's wearing a badge actually is a police man or woman at all. All of those things are going to be the lasting legacy of the Trump presidency, which is a deep, deep, deep problem with how we think of institutions and particularly the ones that are the ones that we need to trust.

Joyce Vance [00:33:13]: This is Steve Bannon's boy, right? Burn the whole thing down.

Harry Litman [00:33:18]: Yeah, I think that's incredibly insightful. He's really a one trick pony in a sense. Get an enemy and try to rail it in. And I think the reason he's flailing so much is with the dynamic of the virus it's basically the focus is on him. And so as he generally lashes out at China or the liberals or whatever, it just doesn't hit home in the same way. It's just still remains Trump, the virus, the economy. And that's all bad news for him.

Paul Fishman [00:33:48]: Well, that's true. But there's one more piece to it, which I think is for the last three years of his presidency, three and a half years of his presidency, even before that, there were lots of us who couldn't understand why it was that all the things that he keeps saying, which are demonstrably false over and over and over, that so many things wasn't resonating. And part of it was that the things he was talking about were not necessarily things that were obvious to Americans across the country in everyday life. The virus is that. He has been on television saying things that everybody now knows turned out to be completely wrong. And it's affecting everybody's lives in a very profound, immediate and tangible way. I don't think he knows what to do about that.

Harry Litman [00:34:30]: That's a great point, too. All right. We have time to talk a little bit anyway about this immigration memorandum that Trump issued this week. And he promises more where that came from. But it's a very dodgy legal stratigem it seems to me. He has taken another shot at trying to keep illegal immigrants from being counted in the census, even though the 14th Amendment, as the Supreme Court has held unanimously, has said they must be counted. So what's he trying to do here and can it possibly fly?

Paul Fishman [00:35:08]: I'll take a crack at what he obviously wants to do is continue to discriminate against this group of people and not have them count, right? That's what's motivating him here. And obviously, you'd see some tangible benefits with his base and with people continuing to see him as anti-immigrant. And there may also be implications for a way apportionment of representatives and gets done as a result in the census, as well as the allocation of federal benefits under the census. But it's completely crazy as a matter of law in different ways. Frank has an agent and you and Joyce and I, as prosecutors, we've made decisions not to enforce the law on particular ways because we only had so many federal prosecutors and only so many agents. You can't we go after everybody. And it's up to prosecutors and agents exercising your discretion to figure out where to allocate the resources. And The Supreme Court has recognized that the decision not to enforce is a discretionary one in that way and isn't subject to the ordinary strictures that deal with how the government acts and what's reviewable in terms of creating rights and expectations. The reason that didn't work in DACA was, you know, the Obama administration decided it wasn't going to bring immigration proceedings against to certain class people. And then the Trump administration decided it was going to bring them. But the problem was that in the meantime, the people who didn't get enforced against developed rights and expectations and benefits and the Supreme Court ruled you can't take that stuff away without some due process and and with some administrative process. That's an administrative process. Here, they didn't say that any time the president of the United states wants to write a memorandum deciding to do certain things, he can't. It's just not the way the law works. And presidential memoranda, which are kind of not even executive orders, are not the vehicle in which you can decide under the united statutory and constitutional rules about where you're going to count them or not. The president can just make a unilateral decision about.

Harry Litman [00:36:52]: That's exactly right. Look, there are two parts to DACA. It's really a cynical strategy because he obviously and John Yoo obviously thinks the decision is wrong. But, he wants to say, not only can I do this, but I can hamstring future administrations. But as you say, the only reason that the Supreme Court said that  you had to go through processes is they didn't simply decline to enforce, but they put in programs for Social Security and other things that citizens get. And it was that they couldn't take away willy nilly. But the first point, I think, is even stronger, because you're right, we we make these decisions all the time. And if you're going to not enforce against a class of possible offenders, it seems to me that the Dreamers would be a very good category. This is not about not enforcing the law. He's not declining to penalize or go after illegal immigrants. He's just saying, I'm not going to count them because. Why? Well, I there's really hardly any reason given. And there's some with some bromide about it's more consistent with American values. I question that. But it's just not prosecutorial discretion. It's rather just declining to extend a benefit that the Constitution gives to people. And not every executive action is one of prosecutorial discretion it seems to me. So that's the second big flaw in what they're trying here.

Joyce Vance [00:38:19]: You know, the Supreme Court has already decided this issue against Trump. The Constitution says count persons. Last summer, I think last June, it was late in the Supreme Court season when they told Trump, no, you've got to deal with the census within constitutional boundaries and you can't ask an immigration question. And so since then, he's been trying to get second bites at this apple. One of those is a lawsuit in Alabama where the state of Alabama sued the Department of Commerce and said you can't count non-citizens in the census because it'll disenfranchize Alabama. Alabama will lose a congressional seat. And so that litigation has been live. And I'll tell you, it's interesting and something to watch that about 10 minutes after Trump issued that executive order. And full disclosure, I'm local counsel for the New York attorney general and other attorneys general in that case. But about 10 minutes after Trump issued the executive order, DOJ filed a notice to the court of the executive order and said that it, quote, might have some bearing on the case. So DOJ is chomping at the bit to get a ruling in what they perceive as a favorable forum in Alabama. But the Supreme Court has already told the president no and not an executive order, not a second bite at the apple case in court. None of those things can undo what the Supreme Court has already said.

Frank Figliuzzi [00:39:43]: And it's so deeply disturbing that the root of this appears to be a notion that there's a whole set of people who simply don't matter and don't merit being counted at all. It's not unlike the concept that Trump keeps repeating that we have so many coronavirus cases because we just keep testing. And if we stop testing, we wouldn't have cases. Well, if you stopped counting, then you don't have to deal with the reality of how deeply embedded undocumented people are in our society and in our economy. And so, you know, if you don't want an accurate count, you don't have to deal with that reality.

Harry Litman [00:40:18]: Yeah. You know, it also seems to me that this whole legal line of attack is of a piece with both what we talked about with China and the whole Portland debacle. It is just another way of trying to evade accountability. There's law here. There's the Constitution, there's Congress, there's immigrants. But the--he can try to demerit all that and say I'm I'm just doing prosecutorial discretion. So it's not just legally bankrupt, but it's of a piece with trying to be an autocratic. A government of one. All right. Wow. So much happening this week. And we're out of time on what's been not just a great conversation, but one about topics that are not going away over the next couple months. So hopefully we'll be back and unpack them some more. We just have a couple of minutes for our final feature on Talking Fed's. Five words or fewer, where we take a question from a listener and each of us has to answer in five words or fewer. Today, the question comes from Akash Sing. Who asks, why are federal agents permitted to stay unidentified in Portland? Anybody? Five words or fewer?

Frank Figliuzzi [00:41:34]: Well, I'll take a crack at that: because anonymity precludes accountability.

Harry Litman [00:41:39]: Four, OK.

Joyce Vance [00:41:40]: I'd say Congress needs to act.

Harry Litman [00:41:43]: Mr. Fishman, please?

Paul Fishman [00:41:44]: The question is why are federal officials permitted to stay unidentified in Portland? And the answer is they should not be.

Harry Litman [00:41:51]: And I would say permitted sometimes, but not here.

Harry Litman [00:42:00]: Thank you very much to Frank, Paul and Joyce, and thank you very much, listeners, for tuning in to Talking Feds. If you like what you've heard. Please tell a friend to subscribe to us on Apple podcast or wherever they get their podcasts. And please take a moment to rate and review this podcast. You can follow us on Twitter @TalkingFedsPod to find out about future episodes and other feds related content. You can check us out on the Web Talkingfeds.com, where we have full episode transcripts. And you can look to see our latest offerings on Patreon.com/talkingfeds where repost discussions about special topics exclusively for supporters. Just in the last few days, we've posted a complete episode there for supporters about the Supreme Court with a panel of national experts, a discussion with Steve Vladeck on the basis of the federal surge in Portland, and a discussion with Alan Arkin about how he is approaching the virus based on his Eastern philosophical beliefs. So there's really a wealth of great stuff there. You can go look at it to see what they are and then decide if you'd like to subscribe for five dollars a month. Three dollars for students. Submit your questions to questions@TalkingFedss.com.

Whether it's for five words or fewer or general questions about the inner workings of the legal system for our sidebar segments. Thanks for tuning in. And don't worry, as long as you need answers, the feds will keep talking. Talking Feds is produced by Jennifer Bassett and Rebecca Lowe Patton. Our editor is Justin Weight. David Lieberman and Rosie don Griffin are our contributing writers. Production assistance by Ayo Osobamiro. Our consulting producer is Andrea. Carla Michaels, thanks very much to Sharon Washington for explaining how federal sentencing works and our sincere gratitude, as always, to the great Philip Glass, who graciously lets us use his music. Talking Feds is a production of Dalito, LLC. I'm Harry Litman. See you next time.

 

TOXIC MASK-ULINITY

Harry Litman [00:00:06]: Welcome to Talking Feds, a roundtable that brings together prominent former federal officials and special guests for a dynamic discussion of the most important political and legal topics of the day. I'm Harry Litman. The virus has roared back to dominate national life even as large pockets of the country and some of its leaders continue to act as if the worst is behind us. The numbers are beyond grim. New case reports have set all time records no fewer than 11 times in the past month. We record the day after the old record was shattered by more than 10 percent with 75000 new cases. The U.S. now has had over three and a half million cases and one hundred thirty five thousand deaths, with both rates trending sharply upward. There's essentially no good news. President Trump tried again this week to claim we have just about the lowest mortality rate.

Harry Litman [00:01:04]: In fact, it's the seventh highest, and that's about the best we can say. The red blue politics of the virus also ensnared the policies around school reopenings in the fall. President Trump rebuffed draft CDC guidance for reopenings as too tough and expensive. His view, said the White House, is that schools must open in the fall and the science should not stand in the way of this. New footage of the George Floyd killing in Minneapolis in May showed him visibly distraught and not aggressive toward the officers. Democratic leaders, however, signaled that the political will to pass comprehensive police reform legislation had ebbed and might depend on a flip of the Senate in November. Senate Republicans, meanwhile, began to push a set of broad legal protections for businesses and schools to sharply limit lawsuits for people who contract the virus.

 

Harry Litman [00:01:57]: So it was a week of deep political rifts over life and death issues. And to break it all down. We have a terrific panel with two new guests to Talking Feds and one returning one first. Max Boot, a columnist for The Washington Post and so my former colleague. He is also the Jean J. Kirkpatrick, senior fellow for National Security Studies at the Council on Foreign Relations and a global affairs analyst for CNN. He's authored six books, most recently The Corrosion of Conservatism, and advised the presidential campaigns of Marco Rubio, Mitt Romney and John McCain. Max, thanks very much for coming.

Max Boot [00:02:33]: Thanks for having me.

Harry Litman [00:02:34]: Zerlina Maxwell. Zerlina is a writer and MSNBC political analyst and Sirius XM senior director of Progressive Programing. Previously, she was a field organizer for the Obama campaign and worked as the director of Progressive Media for the 2016 Hillary Clinton campaign. Her first book, The End of White Politics: How to Heal Our Liberal Divide, was published just two weeks ago on July 7th. Zerlina, thanks for coming.

Zerlina Maxwell [00:03:04]: Thank you so much for having me.

Harry Litman [00:03:05]: Finally, we are really pleased to welcome back to Talking Feds, Congressman Joaquin Castro. Congressman Castro is currently in his fourth term representing Texas's 20th Congressional District. He serves on the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, as well as the House Foreign Affairs Committee and the House Education and Labor Committee. He was the 2013 co-president for the House Freshmen Democrats and chaired a 2016 national presidential campaign, namely that of his twin Julian. He is simultaneously involved in a long list of community service projects in San Antonio. Notably, he founded SA reads, the city's largest literacy campaign and book drive that has distributed over 200,000 books to more than 150 schools and shelters across the city. Congressman Castro, thank you so much for joining us again on talking feds.

Joaquin Castro [00:04:04]: Thanks for having me.

Harry Litman [00:04:06]: All right. Let's start with the surging numbers for the virus, which seem dumbfounding and we barely absorb them when they're swamped by a new set. It seems only about a month ago, I think it was only about a month ago that numbers in the 40,000 daily seem to already head spinning. Now we're nearly twice that. I guess the place to start is this. Are we at square one here? Is there, in fact, any progress that's been manmade or it's almost as though we've been thrown back to February.

Max Boot [00:04:37]: Well, I'll jump in. I mean,  I'm sitting here in New York and clearly a lot of progress has been made in New York because in April, New York was the center of the Coronavirus, not just in the United States, but also around the world. And right now, we are way, way, way off the pace being set by states such as Florida, Texas, Arizona and others. You know, I think the New York experience shows that as bad as it gets, you can still beat it. And I think we haven't exactly beaten it, but we certainly beaten it down to manageable proportions now where we can start to reopen some of New York City and do so in a safe and responsible manner. But it's been really shocking for me to see what's been happening in the rest of the country, that as we've been getting better here in New York and throughout much of the Northeast, the Sunbelt has been getting so much worse. And it's just staggering to me that people in the Sunbelt, especially these Republican governors in states such as Florida, Georgia, Texas and Arizona, seem to have learned absolutely nothing from the experience of New York. They seem to have utterly ignored what scientists like Dr. Fauci and so many others have been saying. They have not mandated mass. They were late in their lockdowns and too fast in lifting those lockdowns. This is just a catastrophe. And I have to say it was it's still worse than in New York in terms of total number of deaths that it is anywhere else in the country. But unfortunately, it feels like the rest of the country starting to catch up. And there's just no excuse for this, because back in April, when New York was getting pummeled, the disease was still relatively new. There was not enough testing. We didn't know very much about it. And so we were kind of on the front lines. But now we know a lot more about it. We know what we need to do. We need to test. We need to trace. We need to quarantine. But we're not doing any of that. And above all, we just need to wear masks. That's the simplest, dumbest thing we could possibly do. But it's also, in many ways the most effective, because it really does stop the spread of the disease. Here in New York people are wearing masks, but from what I see in a lot of the country, there is a significant minority who are not.

Zerlina Maxwell [00:06:34]: I don't get a second everything that Max, that ironically, I am quarantined with my dad, who is a microbiologist who studies coronaviruses. He taught a unit on coronaviruses right before quarantine at Norfolk State University. So I'm here in Virginia, thankfully, with a governor who is a doctor and has listened to the scientists so far. But to Max's point about the masks, that is definitely one of the more concerning parts about what's happening right now, because I always sort of felt the SunBelt would get hit hard, not just because of the partisan nature of the governors and their response. But also because of the hospital infrastructure and the ability of the health to be taken care of at the scale that was going to be necessary, especially after watching what happened in New York. And so what I'm most concerned about in this particular moment is how much time it's going to take us all collectively to come to a place where we understand that we are only as healthy as the least healthy person who walks into the same room, and that we have to have the perspective that we are putting masks on to protect others and also ourselves. That until we all comply with what the scientists are saying, this is just going to continue to get worse. And without a federal policy at the top, that's setting the guidelines for everyone based on the science this is going to spiral out of control. This is still very much the first wave. The ripple out of New York into other parts of the country and a reopening spike. And so I think as I sit here, I'm just very afraid for what the future holds.

Harry Litman [00:08:10]: You guys both bring up the mask. We had a really vivid illustration of the politics of the mask this week when the mayor of Atlanta has been a pretty strong leader on the national scene. Keisha Bottoms imposed stringent mask requirements for Atlanta and was slapped with a lawsuit from the governor, Governor Brian Kemp, who's been among the most stringent advocates for loosening things up. So even saying to her, you have to listen to me and go looser. What is it about something so basic as a mask that falls prey to political red blue divide?

Joaquin Castro [00:08:48]: I was flying back from Texas to Washington, I think, sometime in May, and this was after President Trump started politicizing the use of masks. And I said that I felt like some people were starting to not wear masks at that point as a political statement. And it turns out that that is happening all over the country now. That there is a real group of people who are loyal to the president, who follow the president, who are trying to make a political statement by not wearing a mask. Now, I think some of that would have happened anyway on its own. In fact, if you look at some of the history of the so-called Spanish flu 100 years ago, there were people that didn't want to wear a mask. But I do think that it was exacerbated by a president who politicized the use of the masks. And I was actually a few weeks ago having a conversation with Matt Gaetz from Florida, the Republican from Florida, as we were waiting to go vote. And I asked him because some of the Republicans were wearing masks and some weren't. And I said, well, you know, how do you figure out who's going to wear masks and stuff and why aren't some people wearing a mask? And he said that he thought that some of the folks-- not him, he was that he actually had a mask on at the time--but he said he thought some of them felt like wearing the mask was muzzling them. And they didn't want to be muzzled. So that's kind of the Republican voice about part of the protest.

Harry Litman [00:10:05]: Is that what is it? It is that? Is it a sign of weakness somehow? If you really have that kind of good American can do spirit, you won't rely on a mask? It just doesn't make sense as a logical matter that it would map this way onto red blue issues.

Zerlina Maxwell [00:10:21]: There is a couple of thoughts I have. Donald Trump has performed a very specific type of masculinity since he came on to the public scene. But certainly as president, he's sort of a macho guy. And everything about him and how he projects toughness is sort of all about like, I don't need a mask. I'm a real man kind of thing.

Harry Litman [00:10:41]: Real men don't wear masks.

Zerlina Maxwell [00:10:42]: Yeah. Real men don't wear masks. And, you know, a virus doesn't care about that. So it's sort of funny when I see it. And also really, I think it feeds this narrative that caring about other people is a sign of weakness. And I don't know if this is because I'm reading Mary Trump's book or I'm sort of in that headspace. But, as a clinical psychologist, I think she articulates in the book an interesting perspective on how weakness in the Trump family and how he was raised by his parents is just not tolerated in their household. You can't be sad. You can't show compassion. You can't show weakness. And so that's who is the president. And he is projecting that onto his supporters. Now, it's complicated because you have a lot of supporters who are women who are out without masks, getting very angry at people who ask them to put masks on.

Harry Litman [00:11:28]: Yeah, we have these videos of them screaming at people and then shouting Trump 2020.

Zerlina Maxwell [00:11:32]: Yeah, it's a phenomenon. So it's not just men who are like this male Trump supporters, I should say. But I do think that's one aspect of it. The other aspect of it is simply that I think we are in the moment where only the diehard believers, and that's a small group of people, right? Sometimes we may overstate the amount of people that are really willing to go into a rally without a mask. And so one of the things we saw in Tulsa, which I thought was important for everyone to see of the individual Trump supporters surrounded by empty blue seats because the empty blue seats represent everyone else. The empty blue seats are the rest of us, the ones who do care about other people. The ones who do put on masks to protect our fellow neighbors and Americans and other people who we come into contact with and our family members and our households. I think it's a complicated thing. And I think Mary Trump's book made me think a little bit differently about Donald Trump. I think part of the mistake we make sometimes is trying to figure out the political motive for some of his behaviors when it's a more gut level than that. It's not a strategy. It's just who he is. He has demonstrated time and again that he is someone that lacks compassion. In a way that's why this is not partisan, because there's plenty of Republicans who have compassion and care for other people.

Max Boot [00:12:45]: I would echo a lot of what Zerlina said. I was really struck by a poll that came out just in the last few days where 78 percent of Democrats say they wear a mask all the time and they leave their home, but only 45 percent of Republicans. That's a pretty stark difference, and that's actually an increase in Republican numbers from where it was a month or two ago. And I think a lot of it does have to do with President Trump. And, as Zerlina said, his notions of weakness and masculinity and all this other stuff. But also a lot of it is just that he's been in denial about the Coronavirus since day one. I mean, he was saying it's just a few people. It'll go away like a miracle. It'll be gone by April. It's not a big deal. And so if everybody is wearing a mask, that is an admission in his mind that it is a big deal, that it's a sign of his failure. And so therefore, he doesn't want to wear a mask and a lot of his followers don't want to wear a mask. And I think the larger picture is that this is really a trend that long predates Trump, which is this Republican war on science, war on expertize and I think have always been there. But Trump has really brought them front and center because you have this kind of crazy, irrational anti-science conspiracy monger who is the president of the United States. And so he is legitimating and spreading those views in a way that right now it's just the worst possible time. I mean, it's bad enough in normal times right now, those beliefs are literally killing people. I think that is a huge part of the reason why more than 130,000 Americans are already dead and more are going to die compared to vastly smaller number of people in countries like South Korea and Germany, where they have greater scientific literacy, greater respect for expert opinion, and have been able to deal with this pandemic much more effectively than we have.

Harry Litman [00:14:21]: Max, you've been extremely tough on him this week. Many of the deaths are directly attributable, to quote you, to the epic failure of leadership by a president who infamously proclaimed, I don't take responsibility at all. And you otherwise said the worst president ever keeps getting worse. And it is kind of a fool's errand, I think, to try to psychoanalyze him. But Zerlina, I think what you say about Mary Trump, there's really a lot there. Because, look, he has on occasion seem to be--he did eventually, for example, put on a mask. Yet here, I think in the poll that Max talked about, we have over 50 percent of the American people saying they strongly disapprove the biggest choice they were given of his handling of the pandemic. He's getting clobbered. His presidency may really be slipping from his grasp, right? If it goes this way and he is to lose the history books will say it's because of how he handled the virus. And yet he just keeps doubling down and doubling down. And it doesn't look as if there's anybody even in his circle who can just take him in and slap him around and say, what are you doing? Forget about compassion just in terms of your own political prospects. You are committing suicide.

Zerlina Maxwell [00:15:32]: I think that's probably why he ended up putting the mask on. He definitely had to see, you know, the latest polling that has him double digits down in all of the states that matter. And he fired his campaign manager, promoted Bill Stepien this week. He clearly doesn't think that things are going well. Another thing somebody said, and I want to cite them because I think it was a good point. It was Mayor Rahm Emanuel on this week. I was in a segment the other day and he said his commutation of Roger Stone is also perhaps an indication that he understands that his prospects are not so good in this moment. And so he was sort of getting that out of the way because he may not have an opportunity later. And whatever political damage, it may be worth it to do it now. And so I do think that there are signs that he is becoming more aware that he has failed. But I don't know that there's anybody that can tell him so because it doesn't--I mean, there hasn't been anybody at this point in there who is willing to stand up to him. And now we're actually in the big crisis that we all, I think, from the beginning of this feared. We sort of come to the precipice of a couple of wars and there are other emergencies. But this is once in a generation type of emergency with the worst person in charge. The damage has been done in such a significant way. I think the trauma of this moment on the country, we haven't really grieved. I don't know what the repercussions of that are going to be. The children are out of school. I don't know what the repercussions of that are going to be long term. The damage has been done.

Joaquin Castro [00:16:59]: And you know what's interesting is that this could have gone very differently politically for the president. And he was gonna have a tough reelection before this. But if he and or his administration had found a way to be levelheaded, to handle things in an orderly way, to marshal a competent response, I think there's a good chance the American people would have rallied behind the president. And behind the administration. And there would have been a feeling like we're all in this together in a positive way for the president rather than we're all in this together and people feel like we're on a sinking ship because you've got such a bad leader at the helm. And what has made it doubly worse is you have these governors like Greg Abbott in Texas and DeSantis in Florida, in Deucy in Arizona, who have followed Donald Trump's lead. In Texas, for example Greg Abbott followed this see no evil, hear no evil approach. I think some of these governors purposely slow walk the testing because they didn't want to be the face of the problem, the way New York was on the news on CNN every day for a month. And in Texas, they were slow to taest, slow to trace the infection, slow to treat people. And now you see what's happened. COVID-19, is surging and it seems in Texas that we're setting a new record for deaths each day, sadly, infections and so forth. And it's tough to see what political decisions are going to be made by leaders in states like Texas. What political decisions they're willing to make because they're so scared of the right wing of their party.

Harry Litman [00:18:24]: Ask Jeff Sessions right?

Joaquin Castro [00:18:25]: Yeah, that's exactly right. There are these figures in these different states who are trying to pull their governors to the right. And so the governors are unwilling to make tough decisions or cede control to the local governments to make the tough decisions that are actually going to drive this pandemic away. So it's hard for me at this point to see what decisions they're going to make that are actually going to end this thing. And that's a very scary thought. But unfortunately, with some of these leaders, I think that's where we are.

Max Boot [00:18:53]: It's shocking to me how even at this late date, when it's obvious what a catastrophe is unfolding in the SunBelt, these governors are still making decisions that are going to make it worse. Like, for example, you mentioned, Governor Kemp in Georgia actually trying to prevent the city of Atlanta and other municipalities from mandating masks. I mean, that is crazy suicidal policymaking. Or Governor DeSantis in Florida saying that all the schools have to open, even though every single day almost Florida is setting a new record and is now the global epicenter of this disease. And then if you open schools in that kind of environment, the odds are it will probably result in super spreading of the disease.

Harry Litman [00:19:31]: That really seems right to me. And if there's a method to their madness, part of it, they're cowed by Trump, part of it they don't want to be, as you say, the poster child on the news. But I think all of them were rolling the dice and gambling. And now it's an increasingly remote odds on some kind of economic recovery. I think, to go to the congressman's point that was Trump's hope. And the irony or really the tragedy is that their fecklessness with respect to getting the virus under control is going to be disastrous economically, right?

Zerlina Maxwell [00:20:04]: There is parts of the economy that are open. The question we're asking ourselves is how to send the people back in unsafe conditions. So if you're saying we're go to reopen everything. Well, how are the workers in the restaurant going to be safe? Because that's really what matters, not the customer who wants to eat the meal or the person getting the haircut. I care about the person giving the haircut and their safety because that that fundamentally is how you can have an open and robust economy unless you have safety for the people who are working in it. I don't know if whatever stock market spike you're going for is worth it in the end.

Harry Litman [00:20:38]: You know, the success stories have all have this theme in common, right. Rhode Island, Gina Raimondo and Michigan, Gretchen, when they actually listen to the scientists, one of the illustrative trends of just this week is the trashing-- can you believe it?--of Fauci. That savage op-ed and the general distancing from the administration. A couple of you have mentioned that specific really killer issue that I think everyone's starting to feel now. I, as a parent have that, oh, my God, it's almost fall feeling. The reopening of schools becomes, I think, quite a not just political flash point, but really a lifestyle one. So we have the same dynamic Vice President Pants who first said we were going to get guidance. Then he pulled the plug. The president said that the document of guidance from the CDC was very expensive and too rough. And his White House spokesman said, you know, we have to open the schools and we can't let the science get in the way. It looks like we're starting to have a kind of a national square off in red blue terms. Again, on this basic question of when are the schools going to open even?

Joaquin Castro [00:21:43]: My sense is that most parents are not going to send their kids back to school. I say that as a parent of four year old and a six year old and honestly, even if I wanted to send my kids physically back to school, I don't think my wife would let me. You've got so many people that are fearful of having all those kids and not just kids, but the teachers, the cafeteria workers, the administrators, everybody in that setting. And the fact that people could be passing the coronavirus among each other. And I think most people are gonna sit it out. And so in Texas, for example, you have a lot of school districts, they just delayed the start of the school year, three weeks. At this point, they're saying you should still be able to send your kids physically to school, but you can also go online only, at least for the first semester. Part of the challenge with that. I mean, there's a lot of challenges with that for parents. People that have to leave their house to work and now they don't know what are they going to do with their kids. That's been a problem for a few months for a lot of people. But also the fact that our school system was not set up for effective distance learning in this way, especially for young kids. Maybe once you get the high school and so forth. But it's been a real challenge.

Harry Litman [00:22:50]: You know, I have high school kids. I can vouch it doesn't work and it doesn't look good there either.

Joaquin Castro [00:22:57]: Well, it's just been very tough all around.

Max Boot [00:22:59]: It's like one bad option after another. And I say that as somebody who has one stepson going into a new middle school, one stepson going into a new high school and a son who's supposed to start college at the University of Miami, which is now in the middle of a hot zone in the United States. And as a family, we're dealing with these issues and there's just no good option here because we don't want to keep kids at home. It's bad for them. It's we don't want it. Nobody wants it. This is a terrible way to spend an academic year, especially when you're entering a new school. You need to make new friends. You need to get acclimated. You can't do that via distance learning. But then the issue is, is it going to be safe to send them to school? And the schools and universities we're dealing with are basically telling us, yes, we think we have adequate safeguards in place. But the question they can't answer, and I've asked this repeatedly of high school principals and provost at the University of Miami and others as what happens when the kids go back to school and, you know, there's going to be infections. You know that you're going to be seeing COVID spreading, especially in a dorm environment. Are we going to send the kids to these schools that reopened get them back like a week later, because COVID is spreading and they're going to shut down? Or they're going to keep going, even if there are cases and nobody seems to really have any idea about this.

Zerlina Maxwell [00:24:13]: I don't get the sense that a lot of parents are going to put their kids in harm's way. I do fear and I have a high level of anxiety around the choices that parent. Well, it's not a real choice to decide. Do I go out and work this job that will provide for my child, you know, to be able to feed my child? And how is my child or who's going to watch my child in that situation? But if the schools open, I can put them in school. But you're knowing the risks. So it's like you're choosing between not being able to take care of your family and potentially putting your child into a dangerous situation. And that just feels like you're giving parents no good options. I just feel like this is the perfect storm of terrible things. And the fall in particular is going to be in the middle of what all the scientists have predicted is going to be a second wave, not a spike, but a wave that is mixed in with flu season. Once that begins to happen in late August, according to many of the predictions. I just don't see any scenario in which you can open a school and have a shared campus with cafeteria workers and administrators and teachers who all then also live out in the community with the rest of us. There's another topic I wanted to mention that's not directly related, but it's one that isn't brought up as much, and that is prisons, because even in my own family, I've had five extended family members die of COVID and one family member who unfortunately passed away. He worked in a prison. We should care fundamentally about the people who are in prisons and those who are incarcerated because of their humanity, of course. But I think a lot of people would probably be persuaded to care about that as well if you told them that the people who work in prisons, the vendors who bring the food to prisons, they go to the grocery store with you.

Harry Litman [00:25:56]: That all sounds right to me. And to Max's point, it's not simply that they're not providing guidance. They're actually have to date suppressed guidance. You have a CDC document that people in the education community have praised and it's just been smothered for really no good reason, except, again, it doesn't give the bottom line prognosis that Trump and Pence want to provide. And we're talking about something that the CDC document itself identifies as the single biggest risk for a really new raging out of control in the so-called second wave that doing this, talking about, which is a foregone conclusion. It happens in every virus. And here's another forgone conclusion. If we're talking about this like adults, it's just going to happen whenever schools reopen that a student, they won't just get sick. They'll be students who die. And we can think about that in sort of public policy terms and take that as a sort of risk that just has to be taken aboard. But it's going to be a complete crisis for whenever it happens and will we sort of spasmodically then contract and open up, etc.? There's just no sense of stability or certainty. All right.

 

Harry Litman [00:27:10] It's time for our sidebar feature that for new listeners to Talking Feds, we take a moment to explain some of the terms and relationships that are foundational to events in the news. And today's sidebar concerns a topic that's figured large in the Trump administration, most recently with the publication of John Bolton's book, namely classified material. What is it? What restrictions can the government put on its dissemination? And to tell us we're very lucky to have Sandra Bernhard, who pretty much everyone knows, but she got her big break in 1983 in King of Comedy when I was around and got her coffee and drove her places. But since then, our careers diverged a bit as I became a lawyer and she became a world famous comedian, actress and musician, well known for her work on Roseanne, 28 times on David Letterman. And some fantastic one woman shows like Without You, I'm Nothing. Sandra Bernhard will tell us now about the restrictions on classified information.

Sandra Bernhard [00:28:09]: What are the restrictions on and penalties for leaking classified material? In the United States, classified information is information that a federal government agency has designated for limited or restricted dissemination because of its potential to harm national security or foreign relations classification law exists and statutes and agency regulations. But the classification system has since the 1940s been primarily a product of executive orders. President Obama's 2009 executive order 13506, which revoked and replaced prior classification orders, provides the current classification framework. The order sets out three levels of sensitivity top secret, secret and confidential. This division is based on the expected degree of damage to national security than an unauthorized access would pose. Many government employees and contractors need access to classified information to do their jobs. Government agencies grant them security clearances to allow for such access. For example, someone who holds a top secret clearance may lawfully access information designated top secret, secret and confidential. The government has different ways to enforce the prohibition against restricted dissemination of classified material, depending on the seriousness of the breach. At the least serious, it can impose disciplinary action or revoke the security clearances of employees who mishandled classified information. Next, several studies impose civil fines or other penalties for mishandling or leaking classified information at the most serious. There are criminal penalties for people, whether or not they are government employees, who collects leaked classified information intentionally to harm national security interests. For example, promoting the success of military enemies. The most notable among them is the broad reaching 1917 Espionage Act. Prosecutors used the Espionage Act to charge both Edward Snowden and Pentagon Papers whistleblower Daniel Ellsberg and several counts in Chelsea Manning's court martial charge sheet incorporation the Act. Other criminal information security laws include the Intelligence Identities Protection Act, which imposes up to a 15 year prison term for the intentional leaking of information identifying a covert agent. That was the law that prosecutors used for the investigation of the leaking of former CIA officer Valerie Plame's identity, which led to the conviction of vice presidential aide Lewis Scooter Libby for lying to investigators and obstruction of justice. For Talking Feds, I'm Sandra Bernhard.

 

Harry Litman [00:30:52] Thanks very much to Sandy Bernhard for her illuminating explanation of classified materials. You can listen to Sandy every week Thursdays is at one o'clock on her Sirius XM show. Sandy Land.

Harry Litman [00:31:07]: All right. We still have time for one more topic. And I wanted to take a few minutes to assess where we are with the focus on possible national reforms to police practices in the wake of the George Floyd killing and other high profile incidents involving police and unarmed citizens. We saw new video this week of the Floyd episode which showed him distraught and kind of panic stricken, not aggressive. But there's a sense, I would say overall or this is what I wanted to ask that maybe has the moment for real reform, which seemed timely a couple months ago, has it waned? And is it something that we're unlikely now to see in the current Congress?

Zerlina Maxwell [00:31:51]: I don't think that we're going to see it in this particular Congress. I just think that you don't have the makeup of the senators who are in good faith coming to the table with serious proposals. I mean, I think that it was a moment of substantial progress that the killing of an unarmed black man led to legislative action immediately. That is a sign of significant progress. But until we have the makeup of Congress that is willing to pass that, I don't think that anything's going to happen. Unfortunately, it's unfortunate.

Joaquin Castro [00:32:20]: You know, I read reports not too long ago that the social activism and the protests that we saw after the nation collectively witnessed the murder of George Floyds, that those protests were the largest marches, protests I think we've had in the nation's history, at least since the 1960s. And you think about all of the changes that the activism of the 1960s brought in terms of civil rights, voting rights, fair housing and so many other things. And to think that the United States Senate would not even take up the George Floyd justice and policing to me is amazing. I hope that they still will during this term of Congress. But I have to believe that that energy and the passion for change is going to carry over into the ballot box in November, and that if we don't see change in this congressional term, that we're going to see change next term, because a lot of the people that are holding up progress will no longer be in Congress.

Max Boot [00:33:16]: I think that's exactly right. And there's no question that there is a lot of obstacles right now with Trump and the Republican Party still in control of the White House and the Senate. But I think what's really interesting to me is the way the public has reacted to the killing of George Floyd and the demonstrations that followed, because it's really a sea change in public opinion with a majority of the country now embracing Black Lives Matters and calling for police reform, which was not the case even a few years ago. And in fact, there a fascinating interview that I would compare to everybody in New York magazine with the progressive data analyst David Shor, in which he makes the case, sifting through the data that it was really the overreaction of Trump and in particular, the attack on unarmed demonstrators in Lafayette Park, which has really turned public opinion much more heavily against the president than was the case even a few months ago. You're seeing it now, the numbers for Trump are just looking horrendous. Now, they may get a little bit tighter before we get to the election. But right now, for the last month or so, Trump has been more or less in freefall in the public opinion polls. And David Shor again traces it back to the way that Trump dealt with these protests. And what he was essentially trying to do, in my opinion, was to reprise the kind of fear mongering that George Wallace and to some extent Richard Nixon engaged in in 1968. And what we're seeing now is that that kind of fear mongering just is not working. Trump is trying to mobilize white fear and to suggest that his white supporters are going to be attacked. And, you know, Tucker Carlson and others are playing on these racist tropes. But it's really not resonating beyond the hardcore Trump base, which is maybe 25, 30 percent of the country. I think the rest of the country, including most white people, are saying no, their sympathies are actually on the side of the demonstrators. Their sympathy is on the side of Black Live. Matter. When you have Mitt Romney marching with Black Lives Matters I think that's a pretty significant change in public opinion. And Trump is on the wrong side of public opinion right now.

Harry Litman [00:35:11]: Yeah, once again, he called Black Lives Matter a symbol of hate. And you'd obviously playing out of the Nixon and even Wallace play block. And it is remarkable that he's found himself on the short end. So is it your sense, though, that that sea change in public opinion, in the immediate, convulsive aftermath in late May of the Floyd killing is something that will generally hold not to the percentage point, but do you think we've actually turned a corner in public opinion in this country?

Zerlina Maxwell [00:35:43]: I definitely think we've turned a corner. I mean, I think even just anecdotally in your social feed. The amount of suburban white women, moms, sisters, everywhere that I had never seen posts about black lives matter before. People posting about Black Lives Matter and really being upset and passionate about it. I think because we were in quarantine, people didn't have the same amount of distractions to keep them focused on something other than that video that had been going around. And a lot more people watched it than have watched previous videos like that. And I also think that the possibility of intergenerational dialog because everybody's quarantined together. One of the things I was thinking about as you were talking about, you know, the percentage of Trump's base that responds to his divisive rhetoric is racist rhetoric, his attacks on Black Lives Matter and protesters. I've been paying close attention to the idea that he's pushing right now in particularly in conservative media. They're starting to talk about a silent majority again. And one of the things I think that we miss when we debate whether or not there exists a silent majority, which I do not think there is, I don't I do not think there is a silent majority. I think there is a small minority of very vocal Trump supporters and some people who may not want to tell people they support Trump, but they end up voting for him when no one's looking. And that breaks out to an Electoral College win of seventy seven thousand votes. I do not think there is a silent majority of people who agree with Donald Trump. I believe the polling that says a majority have come to support Black Lives Matter and believe that there needs to be substantial reform. But I do think the narrative is starting to be built so that they can have an explanation if the numbers are closer than what the actual votes are. So because of the potential for foreign interference, I think we have to pay attention to them building the narrative that there may be a silent Trump supporter out there trying to take advantage of foreign interference, setting a narrative now for explaining that away if that is the case again and it's a very terrifying prospect.

Max Boot [00:37:42]: Yeah. I don't think I think it's actually more sinister than what Zerlina says, because, yes, on some level, all this stuff from Trump and Barr and others about so-called fraud with mail in ballots, of which there is really no evidence. All that stuff is in one sense, is kind of building an excuse, an alibi for Trump if he loses to say that he was cheated out of his victory. But really sinister part of it is if he refuses to recognize that he was defeated. I think that's a real possibility, especially if the election is close. So I think just for the sake of our democracy, we'd better have a landslide Biden victory, because if the election is at all close, if it's swings on one or two states, you could very well have a situation where Trump and Barr and others in the administration, basically backed up by the Republican Party, refused to recognize Joe Biden's victory. And try to throw out Biden ballots, say that there was fraud to all these kinds of things to try to game the system, to keep Trump in the White House. And I think that is kind of the worst-case scenario. But it's something we have to think about. And the best-case scenario is what Zerlina said is that Trump is building an alibi in the event that he loses.

Harry Litman [00:38:44]: Congressman, any thoughts about whether we've have turned a corner here and what awaits if Trump does go down?

Joaquin Castro [00:38:51]: I think that what we saw with the George Floyd murder was so beyond interpretation that that's what has really moved people and opened their eyes. You know, if you think about the evolution of police brutality cases before technology provided cell phones so that everybody is walking around as a quick social documentarian and provided platforms like Twitter and Facebook to make things go viral or to distribute them to people quickly. Before that, in the 60s, 70s, 80s, so forth, obviously before there were a lot of police brutality complaints that were filed. And oftentimes those complaints went nowhere. And people in black and brown communities especially lost their lives. People got physically injured. People carried emotional and mental scars because of encounters with police for a long time. But it was treated as a matter of credibility. An esteemed police officer in society versus the word of somebody they were arresting or some, quote unquote, low life on the street that .hey came across and well, who are you going to believe? And then actually, I think what happened in 1991 was the Rodney King case gave us a glimpse of what was to come in the 2000s, which is almost by happenstance. The Rodney King beating was taped. And so there once you have something on video, there's no longer a question about whether something happened. Now, we moved into this era over a dispute of interpretation. I think that was the case in the Eric Garner video. Was Eric Garner so a threat, even though there were five police officers around him?  Same thing with the Tamir Rice video. Were the police officers reasonable in believing that Tamir Rice had a real gun instead of a toy gun? I think what changed with George Floyd is that George Floyd was handcuffed on the ground the police officer had his knee on his neck. There were bystanders that were telling the officer that he was going to kill George Floyd. And that's exactly what he did. And I think that fundamentally changed things. And I do think that it will continue to change attitudes. But as I told when I spoke at a Black Lives Matter protest or march in San Antonio, I said, all of this energy and all of this passion has to turn into legislative change. At the end of the day, this has to be funneled into, of course, societal change and attitudinal change, but legal change as well. And I think it's going to happen.

Harry Litman [00:41:09]: All right. There's an end. I detect a consensus anyway that change is afoot, but not before January. All right. We are out of time. We have just a minute left for our final feature of five words or fewer, where we take a question from a listener and each of us has to answer in five words or fewer. And today's question from Grace Landi, who asks--speaking of doomsday scenarios--can Trump cancel the November election?

Zerlina Maxwell [00:41:36]: No, he can't.

Joaquin Castro [00:41:37]: Hell, no, he better not.

Harry Litman [00:41:40]: I think that was 5, totally. I was going to say not legally. Probably not illegal.

Harry Litman [00:41:49]: Thank you very much to Max, Zerlina and Congressman Castro and thank you very much, listeners, for tuning into Talking Feds. If you like what you've heard, please tell a friend to subscribe to us on Apple podcast or wherever they get their podcasts. And please take a moment to rate and review this podcast. You can follow us on Twitter @TalkingFedsPod to find out about future episodes and other feds related content. You can check us out on the Web TalkingFeds.Com, where we have full episode transcripts and you can look to see our latest offerings on Patreon. Where we post discussions and actual full episodes about special topics exclusively for supporters. There's really a lot of original special material there and you can just go and look at what it is before deciding whether you might like to join our sponsoring audience. Submit your questions to questions@talkingfeds.com, whether it's for five words or fewer or general questions about the inner workings of the legal system for our sidebar segments. Thanks for tuning in. And don't worry, as long as you need answers, the feds will keep talking.

Harry Litman [00:42:59]: Talking Feds is produced by Jennifer Bassett and Rebecca Lopatin, our editor is Justin Wright. David Lieberman and Rosie. Don Griffin are our contributing writers. Production assistance by Ayo Osobamiro and Sam Trachtenberg. And our consulting producer is Andrea Karla Michaels. Thanks very much to Sandy Bernhard for her illuminating explanation of classified materials and our gratitude, as always, to the amazing Philip Glass, who graciously lets us use his music. Talking Feds as a production of Delito, LLC. I'm Harry Litman. See you next time.

 

PARDON OUR OBSTRUCTION!

Harry Litman [00:00:01]: Welcome to Talking Feds. We begin with a postscript. In our episode taped Friday afternoon, we discussed the prospect that President Trump would commute the sentence of longtime crony and dirty political trickster Roger Stone for seven felonies centering around obstructing the investigation into Trump himself. Late Friday night, the well-known witching hour for political corruption, Trump turned it from a prospect to a fact. Republican Senator Mitt Romney captured the depravity of it. 'Unprecedented historic corruption, an American president commutes the sentence of a person convicted by a jury of lying to shield that very president,' Romney tweeted. Congressman Adam Schiff, a guest in this week's show, looks more prophetic than ever. And the warnings he gave the Senate and the country in the impeachment trial: "He has done it before and he will do it again. What are the odds if he is left in office that he will continue to try to cheat? I will tell you, one hundred percent." Congressman Schiff hugely, graciously agreed to come back in on a weekend for his reaction and analysis. Thank you so much, Congressman Adam Schiff. Let me get right to it. How does this action compare as you see it, in the sort of pantheon of corrupt conduct by this president since 2016?

Adam Schiff [00:01:24]: It's another terrible body blow for our democracy, for the rule of law, and, of course, the biggest blow to our justice system, the Justice Department. I think Mitt Romney really expressed it perfectly. This is a guy who not only lied to cover up for the President, but made it very clear in his plea for a commutation that he was still withholding information to protect the President. He basically communicated with the White House via Twitter saying, 'Hey, look, I didn't turn on you. I didn't roll over on you. You owe me.' And the President feeling that he did. Granted the wish and gave him his commutation. And therefore, because with Donald Trump, it's always about Donald Trump further protects himself from anything Roger Stone may have said in the future. And so a another terrible day for American democracy, another day when we will be held up properly to the ridicule of the rest of the world. The greatest democracy on earth suffers another serious setback.

Harry Litman [00:02:19]: You know, that sounds vile and shameful. It also sounds potentially criminal. Yes? Leaving aside both the politics and any charges of partizanship, there is a whiff of a sewage smell of potential criminal conduct in a normal Department of Justice. Would an investigation be opened here?

Adam Schiff [00:02:38]: Well, in a normal department justice, I don't think this ever would have happened. And frankly, in a normal Congress, if Mitt Romney wasn't a conscience of one among the Republican lawmakers, this never would have happened. The President would have never felt that he had so successfully cowed his own party that he could get away with this. It's certainly possible that there was more to this story than meets the eye. Of course, what meets the eye is corrupt enough. But there may be more. We did learn, of course, of the White House through intermediaries, dangling pardons to Michael Cohen early on in the investigation. And so if there were more explicit offers of: 'I will protect you, I'll take care of you, I will give you a pardon or commutation if you're ever convicted.' If that was ever made explicit, then I think you have all you need for criminal prosecution. But whether we will ever learn that, given that the President continues to take steps to obstruct, is hard to say. You know, it does not only validate. I think what we proved during the trial, but it also is an eerie echo of what John Bolton said. This President really is a obstruction of justice as a way of life kind of president.

Harry Litman [00:03:45]: No kidding. And of course, with the 30 year guy like Stone, you don't need anything express. But look, I mean, what Romney goes the heart of it. People, I don't think are not even aware of the extent to which Stone they sort of lump in the rogues gallery has really the keys to the kingdom. He is the guy who since redacted unredacted comments from the Mueller investigation and just other not fully developed evidence suggest is the link from WikiLeaks to the Trump campaign, almost certainly to Trump himself. We know, he said that WikiLeaks was going to be dumping kryptonite on Hillary Clinton. What odds are that he wouldn't share with his longtime pal and patron? So this is a very important, not fully understood part of the story. And it makes it, to my mind, different in kind as a pardon. The pardons in history that people study that seem politically driven are problematic. But this seems flat out corrupt because he is the very person who has the goods, arguably on Trump himself.

Adam Schiff [00:04:56]: I'm glad that you brought us back to the facts. If you just remind your listeners, back in April, the Russians--this April of 2016, during the election year--the Russians approached the Trump campaign through a cutout, a professor of multis, professor name of sued something right out of a spy novel. And they use this intermediary to inform the Trump campaign through George Papadopoulos that they have hacked Clinton's emails. They have thousands of stolen emails and they can help the campaign through the anonymous release of these emails. So they communicate to the campaign. If you flash forward a couple of months, Donald Trump publicly calls on Russia to help his campaign with these stolen emails or to hack the emails and says they'll be richly rewarded by the press if they do. And not long after they start publishing these stolen emails through cutouts through Gustafer to D.C. leaks, but predominantly through WikiLeaks. So WikiLeaks is the publisher of the Russian hacked emails that the Russians through Professor Masood had told the Trump campaign about. And of course, the President touted these stolen emails over 100 times on the campaign trail. You could tell how much he thought the Russian help was assisting his campaign. And Roger Stone is smack dab in the middle of that.

Harry Litman [00:06:12]: He's the link, right? He's the bridge and he lies both to the Department of Justice and to Congress about it.

Adam Schiff [00:06:18]: The link basically goes from Donald Trump to Roger Stone, through Julian Assange, through Russian intermediaries, presumably to the G.R.U and others in Moscow who are orchestrating the hack and now orchestrating the dump of these documents on a nearly daily basis to damage Clinton and help elect their preferred president, Donald Trump.

Harry Litman [00:06:39]: Yeah, we will be unearthing this in the next couple of weeks, but so much is already in front of our eyes and hopefully people make the distinction. One of the things you ended your address to the senators with was a question as poignant in some way as question: 'He will continue to try to cheat until he succeeds. Then what shall you say?' And what shall they say? What is there to be said here other than to duck your head and pretend you didn't hear the question?

Adam Schiff [00:07:06]: Well, indeed, when reporters after John Bolton spoke out and published as a book, when they asked the senators, "What shall you say now that you have even more graphic evidence. Now that you have a direct conversations from someone in the room that the president was withholding this military aid to course Ukraine help him cheat? What do you say?" They literally ran away from the camera. Now, I fully expect that when Donald Trump is gone, these senators will all engage in a massive reconstruction and rebuilding of their personas during the era of Trump. They will run away from him. They will try to pretend they showed courage. They stood up to him. They didn't really agree with him. All of which, of course, will be nonsense. And I think probably more so than anything else we said during the trial. What will haunt these senators is the prediction that their names will be tied to his with a court of steel and for all of history. They will be tied to this unethical president who has done so much damage to the country. They will be asked by their children and grandchildren. Please tell me what you did when this awful man was in office to stand up to them and they will have nothing to say.

Harry Litman [00:08:17]: Congressman Schiff, they certainly can never say that of you. Thank you so much. We know there are a few investigations brewing. Of course, the pardon power makes it very hard to reverse. There may still be ways to actually get at the truth, including putting Stone in the grand jury. But but we'll see, because it seems not just justice, but truth may have really incurred a body blow. Thank you again for all you told us before. And all you're telling us now. And for joining us this weekend.

Adam Schiff [00:08:51]: It's a real pleasure. Thanks for having me.

Harry Litman [00:08:57]: Welcome to Talking Feds. A roundtable that brings together prominent former federal officials and special guests for a dynamic discussion of the most important legal and political topics of the day. I'm Harry Litman. Following the July 4th break, it was a week top heavy with events in the center of Washington, even as the virus raged to new heights in many states across the country and citizens faced chronic delays in testing. Most importantly, the Supreme Court completed its term, issuing five more opinions, including the two long awaited decisions in the cases seeking President Trump's financial records. A seven to two majority of the court refused to give the President any special authority to resist lawful process. But it remanded both cases, and it looked unlikely that the American public would be able to see the records before the election. Down the Hill, in the lower federal courts, the old sagas of Trump cronies, Roger Stone and Mike Flynn, approached different end games. Flynn's sentencing judge, Emmet Sullivan, sought full D.C. Court of Appeals review of a panel decision ordering him to dismiss the case against Flynn two years after Flynn's guilty pleas. And a different federal judge rejected Roger Stone's effort to delay his imprisonment on ground of his vulnerability to the virus. And the court ordered him to begin his sentence this week. Across the street, Jeffrey Berman, the former United States attorney for the Southern District of New York, told a panel of the House Judiciary Committee that Attorney General Bill Barr repeatedly pressured him to resign, telling him that he, Berman, otherwise would be fired and harm his career.

Harry Litman [00:10:50]: The President, meanwhile, continued to flail at his 2020 strategy of pitting white voters against the rest of the country. To break down these various skirmishes at the highest levels of American government, we have a terrific panel of guests today. First Barb McQuade, a charter Fed and the former U.S. attorney and before that, assistant U.S. attorney for the Eastern District of Michigan, now a professor from practice at the University of Michigan Law School. Welcome, as always, and thanks for being here, Barb.

Barbara McQuade [00:11:25]: Oh, thanks, Harry. Glad to be with you all.

Harry Litman [00:11:27]: Next, a returning guest, Jennifer Rubin. She's an opinion columnist for The Washington Post, where she covers politics and policy. She's an MSNBC contributor. Before joining The Post, she practiced labor and employment law for 20 years. And before that, she graduated first in her class in the famous Boalt Hall class of 1986. Welcome back. Jen.

Jennifer Rubin [00:11:50]: It's delightful to be here.

Harry Litman [00:11:51]: And we're really thrilled to welcome for the first time to Talking Feds, Adam Schiff. Adam Schiff is a 10 term congressman serving the Twenty Eighth District of California. He is the chair of the Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence and was one of five Democrats on the House Select Committee on Benghazi. He previously was the youngest member of the California state Senate. And before then, an assistant United States attorney in Los Angeles. I liken him to Clarence Darrow because like Darrow in the Scopes trial, he tried the case of this century to a rigged jury, one in heaven, but lost on earth and became a hero and prophet to millions of Americans, including judging from their writings, the other panel members here today. Congressman Adam Schiff, we are thrilled to welcome you to Talking Feds. Thanks for being here.

Adam Schiff [00:12:45]: Thank you, Harry. Great to join you.

Harry Litman [00:12:46]: All right, let's get started. The Supreme Court ended its term with five cases this week, including, most importantly, the cases involving efforts by the Congress and the Manhattan district attorney to subpoena the President's financial records. Chief Justice Roberts mustered seven votes his own, the four so-called liberals and both Trump Supreme Court appointees, Kavanaugh and Gorsuch, for a strong affirmation of the principle that the president is not above the law. It was the big, most awaited case. It was somewhat history laden and had much nuance. So everyone is still working it out. But there are a couple schools of thought. One is that at a minimum, the glass is half full. It was a solemn monarch set of results. But Trump's taxes and important financial information stay out of the public eye, which is a boon for him. And arguably it changes and augments the showing Congress will have to make to get them, if not the district attorney. The other school of thought, says resounding victory for rule of law, a repudiation of both Trump and his administration, the department's claims of overweening executive power. What are your thoughts? I think maybe all of us have written about this or tweeted about it. Who's right and why?

Jennifer Rubin [00:14:09]: Well, I'll get going first. I think you would definitely count me in the second camp. And I would also offer that you actually had nine votes on the specific point of absolute immunity in the Vantz case.

Harry Litman [00:14:21]: Right.

Jennifer Rubin [00:14:22]: And that is very much in keeping with U.S. v. Nixon. You had the entire court essentially say the president is not above the law in my book. That's a huge win. Yes. We're not going to get the documents before the election, but that's really not what the Supreme Court does. The Supreme Court always remands cases are almost always remands cases.

Harry Litman [00:14:40]: Right. There was never going to be a scenario where we were going to see those documents before November, don't you think? There's actually some people are saying we still might. I find it very unlikely.

Jennifer Rubin [00:14:50]: I would agree with that. And because of that, I think this is a smashing win. And we're always talking about those guardrails of democracy. Here we had those guardrails, very tall, very strong from the Supreme Court.

Barbara McQuade [00:15:01]: Well, I would add to Jen that I agree that you're looking at this from the long term historical perspective, it's a really important decision that says the president is not above the law, especially with regard to the Vantz case. And I think it's important to separate the two. That one's a solid win in the district attorney case. I think the thing that frustrates me a little bit less so in that one, because I think that although President Trump has some arguments he can still make in the trial court level and can still stall. Eventually, I think those records are going to get turned over. But I saw the Court showing a little less deference for Congress in the congressional subpoenas case. And remember, these are private entities that were subpoenaed, not the President himself. And so I thought that they punted a little bit in saying that although the President does not have an absolute shield here to prevent these from being turned over--and that's an important decision--it still is going to allow further delay because the court created this four or five part test at the lower courts are going to have to wrestle with to make sure that there's not some improper purpose and that the congressional committees really, really need these things. I think they're being less than deferential to a coequal branch of government. And I'm curious to hear what Congressman Schiff thinks about that. It seems to me that Congress has legislative power and it needs the information necessary to be able to legislate and to fully understand the scope of a problem and to put those roadblocks in the way, whereas they didn't do that in the Vantz case strikes me as maybe being a little extra suspicious of the political process. [86.6s]

Adam Schiff [00:16:29]: Barb, I would agree. First of all, I think that it's certainly true that this is a resounding win for the rule of law and an affirmation that no one is above the law, including the president of the United States. I have to say, we have a pretty low bar when that's a resounding victory, something that there's hundreds of years of uninterrupted jurisprudence about, you would hope that that would be the case. But nonetheless, with this court and in this time, we have to say that's a big win. But, you know, while the Court was willing to look at sort of the practicalities of litigation involving the President, there was one area practicality the Court was, I think, willfully blind to, and that is the degree to which this administration or any other in the future can delay compliance with oversight of a coequal branch of government by running out the clock endlessly in the courts. And indeed, the mechanism that the Court set up allows the administration to continue to do that. The Court was obviously aware of the labyrinthine process that those cases took to get to the Court and any number of others. We're still in court trying to get McGan to testify, I think now a year after subpoenaing him. And so this will now go back to the court, appeals back to the district court. There will be an effort in the district court by the Trump administration to draw this out as much as they can. I have no doubt that in terms of my committee's interest, the Intelligence Committee, we will prevail in the district court and I have no doubt that they will appeal once again and further run out the clock. And you're right, Barb there is a really problematic component of this new four part test that the Supreme Court enunciated. And it requires, I think, in the third of the four parts that the courts look beyond the legitimate congressional interest in oversight and question what's really behind the request. Delve into I'm sure what ultimately will be argumentation about congressional motive rather than what courts traditionally look at is what can you tell from the clear text about congressional intent? Now, this would require a whole new level of engagement by the judiciary in between two other branches of government, which I think is not only not good for the Congress, but not good for the Court, because it will enmesh the Court in disputes between the two branches on questions of purpose and and ultimately questions of motive. So I think that part of the decision is problematic. But I do think in its broadest outline, it is an affirmation of very important affirmation of the rule of law. I would also say that the delay to me is less about delay and having any of these records be public before the election. For me, the issue is do foreign powers because of any potential entanglement, financial or otherwise, with the President of the United States are they getting preferential treatment? Is is our foreign policy and our national security being bent to Russian interests or Turkish interests or Saudi interests because of the President's financial interests and the fact that we cannot get an answer to that question now for another prolonged period of time endangers the country. So to me, it's less about whether it happens before November than how much more time goes by where we may have a compromised national security because the president's finances may be entangled with other interests. You know, the last thing I'll mention is you seldom read an opinion where it so screams out to you that this was a negotiated outcome by the justice. And I think that the case would have been far less supportive of the rule of law had it not been for the more progressive justices joining the opinion and making sure that it didn't turn out the way the Trump administration and their allies and Bill Barr's Justice Department wanted to turn out.

Harry Litman [00:20:19]: I think your comments and Barb's really go to the heart of it. I want to weigh in in the Rubin camp here and just offer a couple points. First, on the delay, no doubt it's all in the President's camp and it's been not just unconscionable, but fundamentally lawless. Of course, that's not the issue in front of the Court, I think. There was some chiding in Robert's account of the history where he where he says this never happened before. He doesn't specifically rap the knuckles of the administration. But I think people know what he's talking about here and the breakdown of the political process. Second, on the point you just made, Congressman, it's so important. It's really a no brainer that Congress has important interests. The American people have interests that should be settled before the election go into whether there's some fundamental conflict that impairs the President's ability to take care to fully execute the laws and his attempt to change the narrative, to make it just about some political blood feud is really silly. The biggest thing I want to say, and this goes to both what you said and Barb said, remember--harken back to the oral argument, the lawyer for the house, who's a terrific lawyer, was remnstrated some for not offering them any kind of specific standard as they urged him for.

Harry Litman [00:21:40]: And he refused and was sweating up there on the podium. But I think he was vindicated. My fear coming out of that oral argument is they were gonna make up some phony baloney standard that, in effect, would have raised the power and changed the structure of the President vis a vis the Congress. They did this four part test. And I agree with you that the action will be in the third part. But I read it as essentially an injunction to lower courts to say the separation of powers. I see that as basically saying look at the evidence they want and does it hook up with the purpose and then be careful to assess the burdens on the President. What is missing there to me, and it's screamed volumes, is any kind of extra thumb on the scale. But I think this is basically a not quite empty injunction, but one that just says, remember, separation of powers and that's how we get to seven to two.

Jennifer Rubin [00:22:41]: Harry. I would agree with that with a couple of additional points. First, you can't go to court, which this has never happened before, that there hasn't been a resolution and not expect courts to act like courts. Courts always have tests. They always have parameters. That's what courts do. And I would agree that if you're going to come up with them, these seem relatively light. And by the way, they sort of line up with the normal requirements for a subpoena just in civil litigation. So I think in that respect, that four point test is perhaps not unusual and it's very indicative of what courts do normally. The second, I would say is that part of the remedy for these situations has to come hopefully in a new Congress in which other remedies are utilized so as not to repeat this problem. There are legislative fixes that obviously aren't available now because the Republican Senate is uninterested in this and the President would veto it in any case. But there is some self-help that the next Congress can engage in.

Harry Litman [00:23:47]: You have in mind the power of the purse. I mean, they're pretty severe or you are actually dusting off inherent contempt. What are you thinking?

Jennifer Rubin [00:23:55]: Somthing in the contempt realm, Yes, indeed. And if not inherent contempt, at least a expedited procedure or procedure that allows for enforcement, perhaps by some other means than the US attorney who in this case was beholden to the administration?

Adam Schiff [00:24:13]: I would say both to Harry and Jennifer. First of all, I like your optimism. When I read Roberts comments about how this is unprecedented in the Congress and administration of always work things out. I read that as sort of a pox on both houses rather than we all see what's going on here the President has said we're going to fight all subpoenas. That's what's truly unprecedented here. So I didn't read it quite the same way that you did. But I like your interpretation better. I think that the practical reality, though, of what they set up as as innocuous seeming and sounding as it may be in this four part test is: back in the district court you're going to have the Trump administration or any other administration making a whole new series of arguments about illicit motive and citing anything they want to site. It's going to look like the eight page screed from the White House counsel in answer to congressional subpoenas about how this is all, you know, presidential harassment. And and so it is inviting the Court into that debate. And rather than saying no where where Congress has ostensibly legitimate legislative purpose and it's within the scope of that purpose, we are not going to insert ourselves into that debate. They have now inserted themselves into that debate. And I think they may rue the day that they did. But I also believe absolutely, as Jennifer was saying, there are remedies that the Congress has and will have when this president is gone. And frankly, obviously, I'm very hopeful that we'll flip the Senate. But I think there'll be bipartisan support for any number of reforms. I've been working on a package of what I have been, for lack of a better description, referring to as our own post Watergate reforms. And I frankly put it very much at the top of the list, expedited court process for congressional subpoenas.

 

Barbara McQuade [00:25:58] I completely agree with you, Congressman Schiff. That has been the Trump game all along is just delay, delay, delay. And they've been quite successful at it. What about certainly be a long term solution, but setting up a specialized court? We have tax court, immigration court, FISA court, patent court. What about a special court that handles interbranch disputes, specialized docket? Maybe you draw them from others already sitting judges who will hear these and hear them on an expedited basis. Would that be a way to change the game?

Adam Schiff [00:26:24]: You know, I would certainly be open to exploring all alternatives, including that one. If we were to move in that direction, which would be, I think, a bit more complicated and therefore perhaps more controversial in Congress, than we'd have to pay very careful attention to who gets appointed to that court so that there isn't an effort with each administration to stack that court knowing of the importance of those decisions, vis a vis of a relationship between two of the branches. But I am open to any and all good ideas for how we can validate or oversight authority because so much hangs on that. And this was obviously a point we emphasized during the impeachment trial. But the idea that an administration, any administration can fundamentally thwart any oversight by a coequal branch of government through sheer delay is just completely destructive of that check and balance in our system. One of the other vulnerabilities that we've discovered, and it's one that makes all of these problems that much more severe, is when one of the two parties becomes a cult of personality around the President is unwilling to defend its own institution. The most profound power that we have is the power of the purse, which was mentioned earlier. Well, the Republicans in Congress were willing to give up that power when it came to funding the wall because they were unwilling to stand up to the President even to defend their most important prerogative. So it's hard to have the system work when one party in Congress so completely abdicates.

Jennifer Rubin [00:27:48]: I would want to add to the congressman's point a great deal depends upon what we do after Trump is gone. [00:27:57]Part of the problem here was presidents don't delay courts on their own. They rely on the Justice Department. They rely on the attorney general. And I think in our aftermath report and actions, we need to place a greater burden on people in the Justice Department to uphold their professional obligations as officers of the court and the way in which we reform the Justice Department and the rules we lay down and the obligations we make clear not to behave in ways that are really antithetical to their obligations as lawyers. And I would maintain that if we can come up with some Watergate ish reforms, I'd be fascinated to hear what the congressman has in mind that we will address part of this abuse of the system.

Adam Schiff [00:28:49]: You know, Jennifer, I am so completely and wholeheartedly [00:28:52]agree and any of us watching what Bill Bari's done to the apartment. It's just heartbreaking to see the apartment that we venerate and love and respect brought so low, at least in terms of its leadership and what that means in courtrooms around the country and what that means in terms of our understanding of our own system of justice and others watching us from around the world. The hardest thing to be very interested in Barb's thoughts on this, the hardest thing of the post Watergate package has been reforms to strengthen the independence of the Justice Department. A lot of the other reforms are, frankly, very easy to draft and conceptualize, and they involve us. We talked about expedited court process. They involve disincentives to abuse the pardon power. They involve protection for inspectors general and enforcement mechanisms for the emoluments clause. And the list goes on and on. But how do we protect the independence of the Justice Department? How do we make sure that that we don't have further presidential meddling in the sentencing of cronies and the dismissal of cases against other cronies? How do we legislate those guardrails that were put in place post Watergate but still put in place largely through norms, the strong establishment of norms which are now gone?

Barbara McQuade [00:30:05]: Yeah, I think it's it's difficult to do things within the constitutional structure. But William Barr has pushed this idea of the unitary executive and anything he believes he can do, he does do. And there's a big difference between what the Justice Department can do and what it should do. And so I would like to see an attorney general who pledges to do things independent of the president. Things like limiting communications between the White House and the Justice Department when it comes to specific cases. Certainly, the Justice Department should take its priorities from the President as part of his administration. But in terms of micromanaging individual cases, the involvement that we saw from Attorney General William Barr on the stone case in the Flynn case after tweets from the President just gives it the very least the perception that the president is asking the Department of Justice to do his bidding to protect his allies. I'd like to see more teeth put into the way we handle special counsels or independent counsels or whatever we want to call that. [57.6s] And I think the last thing I would suggest, which is slightly different from the question you posed to me, Congressman Schiff, but I wonder what your thoughts are on whether there is the will in Congress to pursue whatever comes of the McGann's subpoena and some of the things you might learn if you eventually get these records, even if it's after Election Day and even if it's if President Trump should lose the election. Is there value in pursuing impeachment, if not to remove the president, but to bar him from ever becoming president again? That is preventing a situation where he can run for president in 2024.

Adam Schiff [00:31:36]: With respect to something you mentioned about our Justice Department, one of the concerns I have with Bob Barr is that the worst is yet to come. I mean, he's got a terrible, destructive track record as it is, and it may get worse in the coming days. But what we have seen largely is Barr's intervention to protect the President. Barr's misrepresentation of Mueller's work, Barr's intervention in cases to help Trump cronies like Stone and Flynn and others. What we have not yet had full visibility on is not Barr's use of the shield to protect corruption writ large of his boss, Donald Trump, but the sort how he may be using the power of the Justice Department through Durham or others to go after the President's enemies. And in many respects, that is a far greater, more serious abuse of the power of the Justice Department than his use of the shield. And so I continue to be concerned with a president who's tweeting about how, you know, Obama and Biden should go to prison. That Bill Barr may be preparing the use of the sword in a politicized and dangerous and desperate way. In terms of the continuation of the cases with respect to McGann again, I think the court ruling that there is no absolute immunity certainly strengthens our case to compel McGann to testify. And I think we should continue to prosecute that case in terms of getting his testimony. I think it also has a bearing on John Bolton's potential testimony and in terms of postelection whether Trump wins or loses. I think there is enormous value and importance in Congress vindicating and validating its oversight responsibilities, however long it may take. So that the truth ultimately comes out in all of its ugliness as it pertains to Trump and the people around him in terms of impeachment as a remedy to prevent a subsequent term. That is a question for another day that I don't feel I should weigh in on. But I do think that we need to pursue the litigation that we have to this point. We should not allow the clock to be run out. And however untimely it may be, thanks to the tactics of the administration. And lackadaisical pace of the courts, we should pursue it until we get our final resolution.

Harry Litman [00:33:59]: A very justifiable and even foreboding concerned. All right. The courts dropped the huge boulder of the opinion and the repercussions will be playing out for months and years. I'd like take a couple minutes. The point you just made, Congressman, about Comey that happened in a tweet Friday morning from the president in the context of was he going to pardon Roger Stone? So just quickly, we have some interesting developments. We're nearing kind of an end game for both Roger Stone and Michael Flynn, both of them in their long and torturous battles with the department and their efforts to curry favor with Trump. So I just want to canvass the group a little. So Stone, just this morning, Trump confirmed he is considering a pardon for him. I'll be looking at it. He was very unfairly treated and he had previously tweeted, well, he can sleep well at night. Now, remember, he is convicted on all charges last November for impeding congressional and FBI investigations for witness tampering. He's looking at 40 months. You know, can a weakened Trump really get away with. The rubber is about to hit the road right at his report date is coming this week. Does Trump really have the political capital in his weakened state to pull the trigger on a pardon?

Jennifer Rubin [00:35:23]: I think he probably wants to. And his perception of his own political power and the rest of the country's perception are two different things. And I might even flip it as he feels the sand running out of the glass, he may think this is his last gasp and he better go around fixing as many messes as he possibly can. Roger Stone remains a very potent figure. He, of course, was the connection to WikiLeaks.

Harry Litman [00:35:47]: Right I mean, historically, he could kill him. Right. In terms of that, in terms of his historical verdict anyway.

Barbara McQuade [00:35:53]: Yeah, I think I've been President Trump will wait until the 11th hour to see if he really needs to play this card. But I think if he does, he will. Roger Stone knows where the bodies are buried. There's an awful lot of information in the Mueller report that has been recently redacted that suggests that Roger Stone was acting as an intermediary between the campaign and WikiLeaks for spreading this Russian disinformation. And so I think that he's a very important ally to the president. I also think that to the president's base and to the Fox News viewers who believe that this is all a political witch hunt, he can spin this that he's a hero in protecting a fellow hero. And so I think that he would do it undaunted. You know, it's just one more of the outrageous things that President Trump does to continue this narrative of rewriting history.

Adam Schiff [00:36:34]: You don't say to Harry a couple of things. First, in terms of whether he's strong enough or too weak to get away with it, he's not so weak that if he were to pardon Roger Stone tomorrow, you would hear more than a whimper out of a few Republican senators.

Harry Litman [00:36:50]: Right. They're stuck, aren't they?

Adam Schiff [00:36:52]: They will run away from the camera when they're asked, what do they think about pardoning someone who lied to Congress, someone who intimidated witnesses and who is being pardoned by the president that he was lying for and lying on behalf of. So he's still has enough of a hold on their base that he can get away with doing it with with minimal defection from the Republicans. And that's what makes it feasible for him. The other thing I wouldn't underestimate is the degree to which Donald Trump things the best way, maybe the only way to distract from his cataclysmic handling of a pandemic that's killed over one hundred thirty thousand Americans. His only way to change the topic is to engage in further scandalous behavior. And he would rather the country was talking about his pardoning of Roger Stone and was talking about how another five hundred thousand people died that day, in significant part because of the incompetence and lack of leadership during this health crisis by the president of the United States. So I wouldn't discount the degree to which he thinks the controversy is actually a plus for him and far from behooving him to weight of that. There's no time like the present to distract from his abysmal handling of this crisis that has taken so many lives.

Harry Litman [00:38:08]: It's a great point. More and more like even Fox News had difficulty trying to defend certain points on the virus. But if the subject changes to the old tried and true deep state Comey struck and page those old standbys, et cetera, you know, maybe that's where he wants to be.

Adam Schiff [00:38:26]: And this is where the president has his comfort zone, this anti science for a president to use everything through the prism of what helps him or hurts him. He doesn't care about Roger Stone. He doesn't care of Paul Manafort goes to jail. It's all what does it mean for him? And so I think as Jennifer and Barbara pointing out, benefits are he keeps Roger Stone silent and on his side, he distracts from his is abysmal handling of the virus and in terms of the any blowback you might get, the GOP members of the House and Senate have demonstrated an endless capacity for debasing themselves at the behest of this president. There was some interesting press reporting that McConnell has given the president until Labor Day to turn his numbers around or otherwise people are going to be jumping ship. That in itself may be optimistic, but I do think if there's anything that causes the Republicans to find their voice, it will not be conscience. It will be elective imperative.

Harry Litman [00:39:26]: All right. It's time now for our sidebar when we take a moment to explain some of the terms and relationship or questions that are foundational to events in the news, but may not be brought up or explained on shows in general. And I'm personally really pleased. This is something I've wanted to do since we started Talking Feds was to get Rhett Miller, the lead singer of the rock band Old 97s, as he describes them, as loud folk or alternative country. But they are literate and fun and a great live band. If people don't know them, I really recommend starting maybe with Champagne, Illinois, or Big Brown Eyes. He also has the credential when asked when he wanted his sidebar to be played of saying "I love Adam Schiff!" So requesting today he's got an interesting question to educate us on, which is we know this won't happen because of Joe Biden's pledge. But could Joe Biden name Barack Obama as his running mate?

Rhett Miller [00:40:28]: Could Joe Biden name Barack Obama as his running mate? The presumptive Democratic nominee, Joe Biden, has said that he will select a woman as his running mate. But there has been a fair bit of discussion about whether Biden could choose former President Obama as his choice for vice president. Would a Biden-Obama ticket be kosher under the Constitution? Surprisingly, the answer is probably yes. Article two of the Constitution sets out the main qualifications to serve as president. Natural born citizen or citizen during ratification. At least 35 year old lived within the United States for 14 years. The phrasing of this rule is important. The Constitution says no person except for one meeting these qualifications shall be eligible to the office of President. In its original form, the Constitution did not identify any qualifications for vice president. It didn't need to. Originally, the vice president was simply the runner up in the presidential election. So the individual would have to meet the requirements to be president after the elections of 1796 and 1800, the 12th Amendment was ratified to permit separate election of president and vice president. The amendment also identifies who is eligible to serve as vice president. Or rather, like Article two, it states who is not eligible. No person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that a vice president of the United States. Now fast forward to 1947. In the wake of FDR's death shortly after the start of his fourth term, the 22nd Amendment was passed, limiting individuals from being elected president more than twice. However, look carefully how the text of the amendment draws a distinction between being elected president and holding the office of the president or acting as president. No person shall be elected to the office of the president more than twice, and no person who has held the office of President or acted as president for more than two years of a term to which some other person was elected president shall be elected to the office of the president more than once. So it is clear that under the 22nd Amendment, Obama cannot be elected to the office of the President again. But it is also clear that he can hold the office of the President or act as president during a term to which some other person was elected president. Now there is a question as to whether Obama would be limited to holding the office of president for less than two years. But it is clear that he is not ineligible to the office. This provision has never been tested. In 2015, Hillary Clinton joked that she had looked into having Bill Clinton run as her vice president. For Talking Feds, I'm a Rhett Miller.

Harry Litman [00:43:47]: Thank you so much, Rhett Miller. Rhett's new album or the old 97 new album, Twelth--their 12th album drops--in August. August 21st, 2020. He's currently doing four shows a week on stageit. com. And as I say, I can't recommend the band enough. All right. I have to serve this up to everybody--

Adam Schiff [00:44:10]: I think he's asking about the wrong Obama. What about Michelle?

Jennifer Rubin [00:44:14]: Yes, yes!

Harry Litman [00:44:16]: OK. So let's move now to Jeffrey Berman. The whole crazey drama played out a couple weeks ago. Barr says he is resigning. He says he's not. And the sort of stand off that resulted in Audrey Strauss as opposed to Jay Clayton being installed. He testified yesterday before a panel, at least not in public, of the Judiciary Committee. He had testimony that Bill Barr had urged him repeatedly to resign, said otherwise he would be fired and that would be bad for his career. Let me just start there. Obviously, no dearth particulars in the long bill of particulars, an indictment against Bill Barr. But was this really so bad they wanted him out? And we'll move maybe move to why that was in a moment. But they said, hey, you got to resign or else will fire you. And by the way, that won't be so good for your career. It's not exactly a gun to the head, is it? Or not exactly outlandish for an attorney general or or was that really undue political pressure?

Jennifer Rubin [00:45:27]: I think we have to look a little bit more at the motives. Was this an attempt, another attempt to foreclose ongoing investigations into the President's wrongdoing? And if so, that is obstruction of justice, in my book. Forget the unit executive, you can't go around threatening or actually kicking out the investigators who are attempting to investigate the President. That's what we were talking about during the entire Mueller investigation. [25.3s]

Harry Litman [00:45:53]: And the FDNY is where all the big investigations involving Trump now are correct.

Jennifer Rubin [00:45:58]: So I think if that's the case and there will be evidence of that, that will be discoverable. If not now, then after company company's office, that is serious stuff and that should be pursued to the fullest extent of the law. [13.1s]

Adam Schiff [00:46:12]: I think Jennifer is absolutely right. What makes it significant are the cases that that office is handling and what makes it very dubious in terms of their motivations is several things. First, I think Berman testified that Barr had no problem with his service, that it wasn't like he had poorly performed as the U.S. attorney. There was no problem with the merits of his work. Second, Barr lied about him resigning. Why would you lie about that if you were engaged in something completely above board? Third, they want to bring in this guy with no criminal experience. And why is it so important that they do that in such a rushed manner? Because he's a golfing buddy of the President? Because they want to keep him on their team, whatever that means? That doesn't quite pass the smell test either. And then you you add Berman's own cryptic statement in his resignation letter about the importance of the ongoing investigations him wanting to see them through. Why is he concerned that that would not be the case? All of these things, Barr's own track record of interfering to protect the President, make this smell bad. The discrete act of saying resign or you're fired and being fired wouldn't help your career. I don't think we can look at that in isolation. I think we have to look at this in the bigger picture. And Barr has long since disqualified himself for being given the benefit of any doubt.

Barbara McQuade [00:47:37]: I would just add that I think if you want to see what's going on here, you need look no further than the U.S. attorney's office in the District of Columbia. We saw a very similar thing play out there. And I would love to hear the testimony of Jesse Liu, the former U.S. attorney in D.C. She similarly was run out. They dangled another position for her in the Treasury Department, which was ultimately taken away, that the offer was taken away. So she was left out in the cold, but with her out of the way, William Barr inserted a close aide as the acting U.S. attorney who very quickly reduced the sentencing recommendation for Roger Stone and moved to dismiss the case against Michael Flynn. And then after he did that dirty work, he was in place for three months. He moved on and someone else moved in. And so did Barr have something similar in mind in the southern district of New York? He had a very unusual move. The acting U.S. attorney was going to be the U.S. attorney in New Jersey and not the normal progression of things, which would be the first assistant U.S. attorney, Audrey Strauss, there in the southern district of New York. I think by standing strong against bullying tactics, Jeff Berman was able to see that Audrey Strauss did get that job to safeguard some of those investigations. And so I think Barr's motives are very suspect in light of what we have seen play out in D.C. And it could very well be that he was playing similar games in New York.

Adam Schiff [00:48:56]: That's such an important point. Why the rush to make sure that Strauss didn't take over the office? What was the urgency there? If this was really, as Barr has represented, just about finding a place for this golfing buddy, the president, that they want to keep on their team, there wouldn't be that urgency to effectively remove who would normally be the acting U.S. attorney. So just another reason for alarm over what Bill Barr may have had in mind.

Harry Litman [00:49:25]: Yeah, I you know, I think this all goes to the heart of it. I asked the devil's advocate question, but two things speak volumes to me. What the congressman cited as the final sentence in Berman's pushback against Barr talking about the investigations. And then Jay Clayton, who by many accounts is a competent person. But having someone with no prosecutorial experience, that just seems to me like an insurance policy and a friend, a good buddy, that when when things get really dicey or some announcement is in the works, you can much more easily roll him than roll-- even Jeffrey Berman is no, he's a Trump contributor and was on his side. But as the professional head of that office, it would be much, much harder to try to push back on him. All right, man, I feel we could go for many more hours on these and other topics. We are out of time. And to our very final feature, of five words or fewer, which I'm going to alter just a little bit because it's something we already talked about. I think we can cut to the chase. I'm going to change the five words or fewer to one word. It's a question that comes to us from Matthew Har And the question is, will Roger Stone serve a day in prison? One word answer, please, from each Fed. Barb, can we start with you?

Barbara McQuade [00:50:47]: Nope.

Harry Litman [00:50:49]: Jenn?

Jennifer Rubin [00:50:49]: Nope.

Harry Litman [00:50:50]: Congressman?

Adam Schiff [00:50:50]: Hopefully.

Harry Litman [00:50:53]: Nice hedge there. And I'm going with. Yes.

Harry Litman [00:51:04]: Thank you very much to Barb, Jen and Congressman Adam Schiff, and thank you very much, listeners, for tuning in to Talking Feds. If you like what you've heard. Please tell a friend to subscribe to us on Apple podcasts or wherever they get their podcasts and please take a moment to rate and review this podcast. You can follow us on Twitter @TalkingFedsPod to find out about future episodes and other fads related content. You can check us out on the Web Talking Feds.com, where we have full episode transcripts. And you can look to see our latest offerings on Patrie on where we post discussions about special topics exclusively for supporters. And these aren't outtakes or simply ad-free episodes, though we do have them there, but really original one on one discussions with national experts. Just in the last few days, we've posted discussions with the attorney general of Colorado about the faithless electors case in the Supreme Court, which he personally argued. About Ghislaine Maxwell, the Jeffrey Epstein consort, and what awaits her in the southern district of New York with an SDNY well-known alumna. And with Rick Pildes, maybe the nation's premier election law expert on voting rights and the virus. So there's really a wealth of great stuff there. Something like 80 discussions in all. You can go look at it to see what they are and then decide if you'd like to subscribe. OK. Submit your questions to questions@talkingfeds.com, whether it's for five words or fewer or general questions about the inner workings of the legal system for our sidebar segments. Thanks for tuning in. And don't worry, as long as you need answers, the feds will keep talking. Talking Feds is produced by Jennifer Bassett and Rebecca Lowe Patton. Our editor is Justin Wight. david Lieberman and Rosie Don Griffin are contributing writers. Production assistantance by Ayo Osobamiro and Sam Trachtenberg. Consulting producer Andrea carla Michaels, thanks very much to Rhett Miller of the fabulous Old 97ss for explaining whether Joe Biden could pick Barack Obama to be his running mate. And our gratitude, as always, to the amazing Philip Glass, who graciously lets us use his music Talking Feds, a production of Deledio LLC. I'm Harry Litman. See you next time.

 

5-4 ROBERTS PLAYS THE LONG GAME

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Harry Litman [00:01:08]: Welcome to Talking Feds. A roundtable that brings together prominent former federal officials and special guests for a dynamic discussion of the most important political and legal topics of the day. I'm Harry Litman. Happy birthday to the Declaration of Independence in the United States of America. In any other year, by July 4th, the justices of the United States Supreme Court would have finished their work and hopped a plane out of D.C. to various summer relaxation spots. But like so much else, the normal pattern is altered in the year of Corona. The virus resulted in the courts having a late set of arguments in May and preempted whatever summer retreats the nine might have been planning. The court's term is still not finished. In particular, the trio of cases involving President Trump's efforts to keep Congress and the New York district attorney from seeing his financial records will be decided next week.

Harry Litman [00:02:02]: But the court issued a flurry of opinions and much awaited blockbuster cases in the last few days. All five to four, all with Chief Justice John Roberts in the majority, alternately with the four more conservative or the four more liberal members of the court. Those decisions revealed sharp fault lines in the Court on critical hot button issues such as abortion and religion. And the most important case might be the one that the press gave the least attention to. Outside the court, the virus raged on with depressing new momentum, including increases in numbers of cases in 40 of the 50 states. And a new scandal hit the Trump administration with reports that the President had been briefed about Russia's payments of bounties to Taliban linked militants to kill United States troops. But those developments took a back seat to the announcements from within the Court. And to analyze the Court's big week. I'm joined by a fairly amazing panel of court watchers and constitutional scholars.

Harry Litman [00:03:04]: They are first, Dahlia Lithwick. Dahlia is a senior editor at Slate, where she writes Supreme Court Dispatches and Jurisprudence and where she hosts their fantastic Supreme Court podcast, Amicus. In 2018, she won the Hillman Prize for Opinion and Analysis Journalism. The judges described her as the nation's best legal commentator for the last two decades. Dahlia, welcome to Talking Feds.

Dahlia Lithwick [00:03:33]: I'm so happy to be here. Thanks for having me, Harry.

Harry Litman [00:03:35]: Next, Ron Klain. Ron Klain is an adviser to the Biden campaign. He has spent over 30 years in the highest perches of government, including his chief of staff to two vice presidents, Joe Biden and Al Gore. Chief of staff to Attorney General Janet Reno. Chief counsel to the Senate Judiciary Committee and the Ebola czar under the Obama Biden administration. Ron, welcome back, as always, to Talking Feds.

Ron Klain [00:04:03]: Thanks for having me, Harry.

Harry Litman [00:04:04]: And finally, Laurence Tribe, the Carl M. Loeb University professor and professor of constitutional law emeritus at Harvard Law School, a status he took two days ago after 52 years on the faculty. He is the world's leading authority on the United States Constitution and has been called the single most influential person in constitutional law outside of the justices themselves. His hornbook American Constitutional Law, one of 14 books he has authored is the indispensable authority for Students of the Constitution. He's also argued 36 cases before the Supreme Court co-founded the American Constitution Society, taught a who's who of prominent U.S. lawyers, judges and political figures, and testified so often in Congress on important legal issues that Senator Ted Kennedy once referred to him as the hundred first Senator. Laurence Tribe, Welcome back to Talking Fads, and thanks especially for joining us on such a big week for you personally.

Laurence Tribe [00:05:06]: Thanks for having me, Harry. Pleasure to be here.

Harry Litman [00:05:08]: All right. So let's start with the court's opinion in the June Medical case, the abortion case. Now, that case concerned the constitutionality of a Louisiana law that required any doctor performing abortions to have admitting privileges at a hospital within 30 miles. And that requirement, the lower court found, would have resulted in only a single doctor at a single clinic being allowed to perform abortions in the entire state. It was also a carbon copy of a law from Texas that the Court had struck down in 2016. And the court struck this one down as well this week. The four liberals on similar grounds in the Texas case. And Chief Justice Roberts joining the judgment on the narrower ground that the previous decision controlled, even if it was wrong. All right. So from the standpoint of abortion rights, it strikes me as very much on the one hand, on the other kind of case and actually both Dahlia and Larry have written about it this week. So, Dahlia, you you wrote in Slate that the concurrence that Roberts authored that brought the fifth vote along, cloaked a major blow to the left in what appeared to be a small victory for it. What do you mean by that?

Dahlia Lithwick [00:06:26]: I think what I meant principally is that the case that the Court heard almost decided four years ago to the day Whole Women's Health. The Texas case had been written by Justice Stephen Breyer to really, I think, put teeth for the first time in a very, very amorphus test that had emerged in 1992 in the Casey case. So in Casey, you'll remember, the court reaffirmed the core holding of Roe v. Wade, but went from this strict trimester test to a test that in some ways I think only existed maybe in Sandra Day O'Connor's head or somewhere in Anthony Kennedy's head. That a state can go ahead and regulate abortion. And in fact, in Casey, they upheld a whole bunch of regulations, but they can't create what's called an undue burden. And that opened the floodgates for states to, in effect, regulate abortion out of existence if they wanted to. And we've seen the flood of regulations that have come in the wake of that, where the state says these are called trap laws, right? Targeted regulation of abortion providers. And these are the kinds of laws that say, oh, you know, we're not going to criminalize abortion, we're not going to punish women who get them are doctors who perform them. But you're gonna have to retrofit all your clinics in the state so that they look like ambulatory surgical centers. You're going to have to have these admitting privileges laws. And all of these things have the effect, of course, around the country of shuttering clinics. But the Court really had never helped us to understand what an undue burden was. Whole women's health in 2016, Justice Stephen Breyer for the first time said, okay, here's the deal. These two laws in Texas, one that you've just described Harry which is the admitting privileges requirement. The other, the ambulatory surgical centers requirement if they do not benefit women's health at all. Then we're going to put a heavy thumb on the scale and say, yes, we're going to still do the undue burden analysis. But if there's no benefit to maternal health, that's part of the equation. So he changed the test in such a way, I think, that he was hoping that courts could pierce truly pretextual abortion regulations that only existed to close clinics.

Harry Litman [00:08:44]: All right. So let me try to put this in concrete form in Texas. So, as you say, we had had this fairly amorphus undue burden test, otherwise phrased as a substantial obstacle. But that did give rise to a series of regulations that seemed really to be about restricting or diminishing the numbers of abortions and gave make Wade arguments about why they were all for the women's good. But so in World Women's Health, Breyer says, you know what, this idea of admitting privileges, it doesn't actually help women at all. So we're going to amplify the so-called substantial obstacle test by also asking, are they really doing anything to help women? And if they're not that's going to make it more likely to invalidate. Is that fair?

Dahlia Lithwick [00:09:34]: That's exactly right.

Harry Litman [00:09:35]: So back to your thesis in Slate. A major blow to the left. So what is the major blow to the left that the new opinion in the abortion case from this term, June Medical represents?

Dahlia Lithwick [00:09:49]: Well, I think the Chief Justice is very clear. He says right up front, I thought Whole Women's Health was wrongly decided then. I still think it was wrongly decided. He does a long, I think, very persuasive love story about the need for starry decisis that we have to give legal force to decisions that came before, regardless of the composition of the Court changing. And then he essentially says, OK, this is literally identical to the Texas law. So I cannot tolerate the just unremitting hutzpah of the 5th Circuit overturning Whole Women's Health without my blessing. So, no, but he doesn't say whole women's health was correctly decided. He says it wasn't. And he, as we have just been discussing, takes out the portion that I think Breyer had added to make a more robust test that's gone. He says we're gonna go back to the Casey rule about undue burden, and I'm gonna find that because there was an undue burden in the Texas regs, there's also one in Louisiana. I guess, to be blunt. How can you say you believe in stare decisis and then say I don't agree with whole woman's health? I believe in Casey. It's just a question about how he gets to pick can choose and how he gets to be the arbiter of what undue burden is in the next case.

Harry Litman [00:11:12]: Yeah, I mean, I think that's a theme for the week. And I'd like to get to Larry, somewhat countervailing thesis. But just to understand Roberts, and this is a real question, it's a little bit hard to understand. I wonder if Ron or anybody has a view on this. There are two parts to world women's health. There's the balancing test and the approach they use said Dahlia and that he basically does away with. I think Alito in dissent persuasively says that's not the law anymore. So what's left is the undue burden in the finding that there'd only be one abortion provider in all of the state and as to that, he is saying the case is wrongly decided. I'll go with it, but the case is wrongly decided. So is he not actually saying that having that kind of restriction wouldn't be if you were writing on a fresh slate, a substantial burden on a woman's right to abortion?

Laurence Tribe [00:12:04]: It seems to me that he is obviously saying that we've got five justices of whom the Chief Justice is one who don't basically believe that a woman has a right to determine her reproductive destiny. That's not news. It's important, however, to accept. Yes, for an answer on the occasion when we get the fifth vote, that will go the right way. When Dahlia says Breyer put teeth in the undue burden test by advocating a kind of balance of benefits against burdens. Let's not teeth its soft gums. I don't think you can really chew very well on that. And I said this in what I've written about it. Of course, Roberts leaves a scary amount of wiggle room to uphold restrictions on abortion. That's not news. What he does, however, is give us a little bit by saying that if there is a substantial obstacle to a woman's ability to terminate a pregnancy before viability, you can't balance that away by cutting benefits to either the woman or the fetus on the other side of the scale. That part is good news. Now, we're not likely to find cases in which Roberts votes with us in the future. That's true. But he has not made things worse. He's made them better. And if, and I think everything depends on this. If there is a big blue wave in November so that the court doesn't go further, right? But preserves its balance or tipped slightly to the left. We now have an opinion by a justice who doesn't believe in abortion rights that can be used as a precedent for abortion rights. I take that as good news. The glass is not two thirds empty. But one third full. And it seems to me that we ought to take the best of what we've got and build on it and pat the guy on the back rather than sock him in the nose when he does what we hope he would do and the best he could possibly do. He's not going to turn around and say, oh, I was wrong a couple of years ago and Whole Women's Health when I decided there was no hope of getting that. This is the best that could have emerged from this case. And it's better than nothing.

Ron Klain [00:14:16]: Well, I will never challenge Larry Tribe on the question of constitutional law. But I may dispute the question of what is news here. So it certainly shouldn't be a surprise to anyone that there are five justices on this court as currently constituted that would substantially rip up production, women's reproductive rights. But whether that's news or not to careful court watchers, I think it is news a little bit to the public at large and to the country as a whole. And I think what happened here was I think Chief Justice Roberts did his best to cloak that news as effectively as possible as he could in an election year. If you think back, Dahlia began this conversation by talking about Casey. And I remember Casey very well as not just a matter of constitutional law, but as a political decision that came down in the summer of an election year and electrified suburban voters and led Bill Clinton to win that election in no small part by moving voters who have been traditionally Republican and traditionally Republican states like Pennsylvania and New Jersey into the Democratic column around choice. And I think it's hard to look at Chief Justice Roberts opinion in this case as much other than an effort to try to obviate that this year. And so I think it's an effort to put a nice stare decisis facade on an acknowledgment that there are five members of this court who are intent on undoing protection for women's reproductive rights. And so I think it's kind of a news blockade in front of the real news here where I do a hundreds precent agree with Larry, is this just reinforces how much is at stake in this election, this fall, both in terms of the next president who will pick the next appointments to the Supreme Court and the next Senate that will decide whether or not those justices get confirmed.

Laurence Tribe [00:15:59]: I agree completely with Ron. That is if the chief justice had provided a fifth vote to overrule Whole women's health opposed the Louisiana law say that the Texas law now, for all practical purposes, is fine as well. That would have been a dramatic blow, but I think either thing he did makes it absolutely clear if we're at all good at explaining things to the public, that the reproductive freedom of women to determine their own destiny hangs by the narrowest of threads. That is, if he had said that even the Louisiana law is OK. A lot of people would have, I think, been grievously hurt and would have said it's now gone. Roe v. Wade is gone and the election may not really restore it. Now, people say, I think rightly, that Roe v. Wade can be preserved if we win this election and if we win this election, it can be preserved best by legislation that makes Roe v. Wade the law of the land with a president who signs that statute. That's the way to secure it, regardless of future appointments. Either way, the politics is going to be dominant.

Dahlia Lithwick [00:17:09]: I completely agree with both Larry and Ron, actually, that [00:17:13]John Roberts is the deftest, most savvy political operator on the Supreme Court without a doubt. And I think to his massive credit, he takes the institution of the court deeply seriously. He cares about the dignity and the integrity of the Court. And I think that is a lodestar for him. And I do credit him with that. And it's hard to see June Medical separate from the DACA rescission and Title seven, a whole bunch of cases where he has surprised us for exactly, I think, the reasons that Ron laid out. Which is, in an election year when you've got the financial records, cases and abortion and all the religious rights cases and little sisters, all of it, everything's on the docket. He was not going to have a barnstorming 5-4 conservative-liberals year. But I just want to make one point that I think is maybe subtle, but I think it's important. And that is, yes, John Roberts is masterful at taking the temperature down and making the Court appear to be steering a moderate course. But I think that in almost every case that I've just mentioned, he does that by either doing a small thing that sets up the big thing in future, right? We just saw that this week in Espinosa. He had done the same thing in Trinity Lutheran. He does this small move, then the big move. It looks like it's a nothing. Never in nothing. But the other thing, and I think this is important, is in all the line of cases they just talked about I think there's this through line that says, just don't lie to me, right? In DACA he said, don't lie to me. Do your work better. Don't give me a C plus paper. In Title Seven. You know, he just doesn't. And that was certainly in the Affordable Care Act cases. And certainly the case last year in the census case where he's mostly reprimanding the Trump administration for shoddy work. And so I want to be very careful that sometimes you can reverse engineer these rulings. You can certainly do it in DACA and do exactly what he's telling you to do and you will win next time. And that's how I class June Medical. I want to take the win. I understand. Don't look a gift horse in the mouth. I think he has very, very much said here's how to do it right next time. And that's not nothing.

Harry Litman [00:19:31]: Let me offer a related through line, another through line, which is what he's done in the majority opinion. I think this also applies to Selia a law which we're going to discuss is healed the fine and seemingly part and parcel of the breezy reasoning of the case: what is the sort of default assumption and what is the outlier in ways that have really big implications. If we see this as an outlier in the sense that, come on, you can't have a stronger precedential force than something that he says himself is word for word the same. But the default is Casey and not an inch more, then it really raises the question of what this portends going forward. What kind of provision will he or the Court see that they really would be ready to invalidate? Take a step back about what Louisiana did here. It's pretty damn cheeky. There's a law that's been struck down and they basically just do the same thing to serve it up. And we have similar statutes that fly in the face of previous rulings for the Court. And so a real overall effort among the states to really put these things to the test. And if what emerges from this case is a general rule that if you were an inch outside of Casey, well, then you don't the super duper precedent principle doesn't apply. Then it gets very hard to conceive of the kind of provision that, in fact, will make the courts stand up and say no that that really is a substantial obstacle.

Laurence Tribe [00:21:09]: You know, we have to remember that not all obstacles to abortion, we're going to take the form of pretend health regulations, these Trap laws. There are these laws that focus on whether the serious has a heartbeat, whether it's brain waves are detectable, whether the pregnancy is lasted 12 or 20 weeks. The fact that Roberts is treating viability versus non viability as a critical part of the precedent may mean that he will separate himself from Kavanaugh and Gorsuch and Thomas and Alito when it comes to all of those laws. And they are the ones that probably pose in the next decade or so the most serious pressure on women's reproductive rights.

Harry Litman [00:21:51]: And they really will be coming to the Court, those statutes.

Laurence Tribe [00:21:54]: For sure.

Harry Litman [00:21:54]: And part of what's happened from the Trump is there is an emboldening of state.

Laurence Tribe [00:21:58]: Right. But I think there's an important point to be made about Dahlia is quite correct point that Roberts is basically saying, give me a break. Don't lie to me. Don't pretend that your reasons are other than what they are. He's said that over and over again. He said it in the census case. He said it in the DACA case. Very important. But that has two sides. One side is to say, well, that simply tells the government, do a better job, tell the truth, don't screw around with the Court and maybe you'll succeed. But it also sends a much broader signal to the nation that lying is not the way the government is supposed to operate. That is one of the most fundamental problems with this administration, is the way it has made lying the ordinary course of business, an administration that lies as easily as it breathes, has got to be resisted. And it can be resisted by a change in the culture that basically reaffirms the importance of telling the truth as a fundamental norm. And I think when the Court contributes to that norm, it makes a contribution that transcends these particular areas of doctrine, whether DACA, or the census or abortion.

Harry Litman [00:23:04]: That'll be a very interesting theme for how it plays out in the tax cases. All right. Let's just take a minute to talk about the dissents. So Thomas couldn't be more unabashed about wanting to undo Roe and basically everything we might call substantive due process. But it does seem to me that Alito and arguably everyone but Thomas at least gives lip service to the notion of Casey as superduper precedent and are at least absent a further personnel change in the court are not looking to say the words, maybe do the functional equivalent, but not say the words Roe v. Wade or Casey is overruled. Am I overly sanguine, do you think, in that reading?

Laurence Tribe [00:23:48]: Well, could say. It's sanguine or you could say it's pessimistic. I mean, if the only one is willing to be truthful about it and to say we're going to gut women's rights is Thomas. And if all the others, including Roberts, are prepared to say we'll kill those rights through death by a thousand cuts, then to go to Ron's Point, the Court may not do us the favor of activating liberals as much as it would if it were to say outright Roe v. Wade is hereby overruled. Because whether it uses those words or not, it can hollow out the effect of precedent of women's reproductive autonomy. And the question really is whether it does it in a way that really generates the kind of backlash that would be generated if the Court were to be forthright about it.

Ron Klain [00:24:32]: Yeah, I mean, I guess my mind the questions Chief Justice Roberts really standing here for truth in these cases are just for certain kind of panache in these cases. So I don't know that I mean, I take the point that Larry's making, that Dahlia's making that he's saying, just don't lie to me, just don't lie to me, just don't lie to me. But there is a certain kind of slickness about what lies do and don't pass muster with the Chief Justice. And here, I'd say in June Medical. In some ways, it's a fundamentally dishonest decision in the sense that what Roberts is saying, look, don't embarrass me. Don't ask me to say that something's exactly the same if it's really different. But, you know, wink, wink, wink, wink, there's a whole lot of laws that myself and four other the justices here are prepared to uphold. And in some sense, as Larry alluded to, the only one of the five the conservative justices is being truly honest, I think is Justice Thomas. And I think the other four, we're going to see what happens when the rubber hits the road after this election, potentially with personnel changes before this election. Certainly with personnel changes after the election at the Supreme Court. We're just going to see how all this sorts out in the future.

Laurence Tribe [00:25:43]: You know, one point worth making, even though the laws were written in exactly the same way in Louisiana and Texas, Alito spends page after page explaining that the issue is not what the law says, but what the effect of the law is in terms of medical practice and the demand for abortion and the demographics of Louisiana and Texas. And he does a fairly reasonable job doesn't move any of us, I'm sure, but he simply puts on quite a performance about why this is not exactly the same as Texas. And why, if he wanted to, Roberts could easily have written an intellectually coherent opinion, saying it may look the same, but it's really different. And I think that I agree with you, Ron. He wants to kind of panache, but he's also making a choice not to go with somebody like Alito who is willing to count angels on the head of a pin until they fall off.

Dahlia Lithwick [00:26:37]: And this is a good place, I think, to point out that if the Alito dissent or the Cavenagh dissent had held the day and this must have been somewhere in the Chief Justice's thinking, then the Court would have been forced to act as some kind of super legislature reviewing every state. Well, Louisiana is different because it closes two of the three clinics as opposed to 10 out of the 20 in Texas. And the fifth doctor didn't really act in good faith when he tried to get admitting privileges. I mean, this is a complete discarding of the district court's finding of fact in this case. And Alito setting himself up to say, let me tell you what a good faith doctor seeking admitting privileges would have looked like. And it just leads me if we're talking to the dissenters inexorably to Brett Kavanaugh, who somebody said to me today, the only woman who appears anywhere in June Medical, is Susan Collins, who's somehow being channeled by Brett Cavanaugh, who refuses to write the sentence: I think that Roe v. Wade should be overturned because then Susan Collins would be a liar. But instead says, let's go ahead and see if all three of the clinics close in Louisiana and then we could find an undue burden. I mean, talk about slippery analysis and holding the Court out as an institution that is going to go state by state, looking at doctor by doctor and determining whether the district court made an error in their good faith. I mean, that can't be anyone's definition of what a Supreme Court does.

Laurence Tribe [00:28:08]: One other really important point is that the Court could have made things much harder for most of us by simply saying in a way that would sound technical and in a way that several of the justices were ready to say, oh, doctors and clinics don't have standing to argue in this case because they are not the ones who are directly hurt. In fact, Kavanaugh and Alito in particular makes the argument that the clinic and doctors have a conflict of interest and that they really don't represent the women fully. If they had done that, it would have been virtually impossible to challenge all of these Trap laws in state by state on a particular basis of how much burden they impose, because the only people with standing would have been the women who were deterred from invoking the right.

Harry Litman [00:28:54]: All right. Well, we're going to see. And the election will be a big part of it where June Medical winds up being in the constellation of abortion jurisprudence. It's time now for our sidebar feature. Typically, we have one often well-known person explain a specific, timely concept. Today, we're changing it up and we're having 10 different people expound on a timely concept. I think you'll get the point.

Anne-Marie Slaughter [00:29:19]: I'm Anne-Marie Slaughter. Larry, working for you after I graduated from law school, inspired my career as a law professor and realist as someone dedicated to public service. You're a towering figure in the law, but you've never forgotten that law not only constitutes the people, it serves them.

Jeffery Toobin [00:29:42]: Hey, it's Jeff Toobin. So the first day of con law with LT, he says your homework is to read the Constitution. It's easy. You can do it during the commercials. And he was right. And he's been right throughout my education as a student, as a research assistant, as a journalist who's following him and as a citizen who is grateful for him and his many, many contributions to our country.

Martha Minow [00:30:10]: I'm Martha Minow. And Larry Tribe recruited me to join the Harvard Law School's faculty nearly 40 years ago. How fitting that we have the chance to salute Larry in 2020. Larry's always had 20/20 vision or better when it comes to law, justice, persuasion and Larry's decency and kindness and friendship are gifts I will always treasure.

Harold Koh [00:30:35]: Hi, Larry. Harold Koh from Yale. Congratulations on this new chapter. Let me speak for all of the students who didn't get to know you well in law school, but benefited from their mentorship afterwards. You're the best. Congratulations.

Jonathan Massey [00:30:50]: This is Jonathan Massey, a lawyer in Washington, D.C. Congratulations, Larry, on a stellar legal and academic career that has made the world a better place for so many people and also for being one of the most caring and generous people on the planet.

Bob Shrum [00:31:04]: My name is Bob Shrum and Larry and I have been friends for 63 years. He's changed America for the better as few others ever have. Then he changed my life and gave me my dream when he sent me off to politics.

Jamie Raskin [00:31:18]: Hey, it's Jamie Raskin calling in with a lot of love for Larry Tribe. I got to tell you that I don't know that there's anybody who could be more grateful than me because I found in Larry Tribes' class my girlfriend that became my wife. Therefore, I guess I owe my wife and my family to his class. I found my career because I fell in love with constitutional law and I became a constitutional law professor. Rock on Professor Tribe and Long May You Run.

Ron Klain [00:31:45]: This is Ron Klain from Larry. Tribe could set his students heads spinning when he's talking about the Constitution's geometry and he could set their hearts on fire, talking about its purpose and its meaning. He changed my life. He was the best teacher I ever had.

Adam Schiff [00:32:01]: Hi, Larry, it's Adam Schiff. I just want to thank you so much for being such a wonderful friend, inspiration, professor champion of our democracy and our institutions. I can't tell you how much it means to me to be able to call you friend and to be able to call you and get your advice and counsel. It's safe to say no law professor in this country has had a greater influence on the development of the law or new laws in Congress. Thank you for everything. My wonderful friend and inspiration.

Kathleen Sullivan [00:32:34]: This is Kathleen Sullivan. Larry Tribe, constitutional genius, scholar, advocate, adviser, but also the greatest professor I ever had. And it's hard to imagine Harvard Law School without Larry Tribe teaching there. And yet he will teach on each and every day through all the students he has taught. And we were so very lucky to have him.

Jennifer Bassett [00:33:04]: Before next segment, I just want to take a moment to think express VPN for supporting the show data privacy is very important to me, both personally and as a producer for Talking Feds. While I previously thought I was doing a good job at data privacy. I feel so much safer now that I use express VPN and regardless of device, whether it's my computer or tablet or smartphone express VPN keeps my privacy protected. It is also the fastest and most trusted VPN on the market. It's rated number one by CNET, Wired, the Verge and more express VPN secures your privacy and protects your information. Visit Express VPN dot com slash feds and you can get an extra three months free on a one year package. So protect your online activity today with the VPN that we trust to secure our privacy. That's express VPN.com/Feds  Express VPN.com/feds to learn more.

Harry Litman [00:33:56]: All right. Well, that puts a lot of pressure on one of our panelists. Let's move now.

Laurence Tribe [00:34:02]: Harry, am I am I allowed to say two words about that?

Harry Litman [00:34:05]: You do have a right of rebuttal, sure.

Laurence Tribe [00:34:07]: Rebuttal. Yeah, I was thinking of funny things to say, but I just got teary eyed when I heard all that stuff. From Anne-Marie and Jeff and Martha and Harold. And Jonathan and Bob and Jamiw. Ron and Adam and Kathleen. And it's just you ambushed me very effectively, I must say. Thank you.

Harry Litman [00:34:25]: You bet.

Dahlia Lithwick [00:34:26]: Can I say one thing to Harry?

Harry Litman [00:34:28]: Sure.

Dahlia Lithwick [00:34:28]: I just want to say that.

Harry Litman [00:34:30]: Where were you?

Dahlia Lithwick [00:34:31]: Nobody invited me to be in the mash up. But I would like to say really, truly. And Kathleen Sullivan taught me, Con Law. So I was one of those people who was a a Larry Tribe grand baby.

Harry Litman [00:34:43]: Your Tribe number is two.

Dahlia Lithwick [00:34:45]: Yeah, right. Exactly. I'm one degree of separation. But I want to say in all seriousness that Larry, you know, was a legend my whole time coming up through law school when I was a young Supreme Court reporter. And out of the blue he probably doesn't remember, but he sent me the kindest note. Years and years ago, that was just absolutely embodies what everyone is saying about his generosity. And I just want to add, because it's, I think, a non-trivial observation that Larry has been the spine of resistance Twitter in the legal world for so, so, so many people. I'm not sure he fully appreciates that. There are so many law students and young lawyers who hang on his every tweet. And that's probably not something that Larry thought he would be doing at this stage of the game. But on behalf of so many of us, I'm so grateful.

Laurence Tribe [00:35:32]: Thank you, Dahlia.

Harry Litman [00:35:33]: The encomia are much deserved. All right. So Seloa Law versus CFPB is the case that I was suggesting up front might actually be 10 years from now seen as the biggest opinion and decision of the term. Let me try to set up this arcane constitutional issue, but very important. But it's set right in the middle of an important debate between Right and Left and then sort of the culture wars that began during the Reagan era and the founding of the Federalist Society.

Harry Litman [00:36:06]: But OK, we have a textualists court here. So what text, what words are they interpreting? Only these that the executive power shall be vested in a president of the United States of America. So though the advocates in adherence to the so-called unitary executive theory, which you've heard about, really point exactly to that and unroll all kinds of potential corollaries from just that notion. And indeed, John Roberts, in his opinion here, comes damn close to endorsing it in toto. Again, with this kind of grandfathering exception for things that have already been decided. But he comes out of the box and says, this is the important thing about the executive and the executive only, all the power resides in that one person. And so the case concerns the constitutionality of a provision that made the head of the CFPB a single person who could be removed only for cause, and that chafed among adherence to a unitary executive because they think it's a maybe the but certainly a concomitant of this sole possession of the executive power that the president can fire somebody for good reason, no reason, any reason at all, as opposed to for cause. And that that very existence of a feature like that sticks in the craw of the sort of purists who want to see what, as Justice Kagan said in her dissent, a kind of very simplistic three silos of government. All right. So we have the holding of the case, which is that it goes too far for some reason and violates the separation of powers. Another word that isn't in the Constitution but is derived from the structures therein to have a single person with a lot of power at the head of the newly created Consumer Protection Finance Bureau, who can only be removed for cause and the President can't just say willy nilly, you're out. And in fact, the holding of the cases of the President can say willy nilly, you're out. Well, let me start actually with the cultural point that I've made. Why is this a big article of faith for conservatives? This is a big happy day. Why is it such a big deal to this, you know, now sort of second generation of conservative scholars, this principle of unfettered removal power on the part of the president?

Laurence Tribe [00:38:38]: Well, I think it's a big deal because they want to dismantle the administrative state, the alphabet soup of agencies, the FTC, the all of those agencies, many of which have significant independence from the President, either because of limits on the removal power or for some other reason that basically want a sort of Steve Bannon-like mash it all.

Harry Litman [00:38:59]: And why, Larry? How is that consistent with general conservative attitude?

Laurence Tribe [00:39:04]: Because they don't believe in government. They think government is bad. Ronald Reagan says the most scary words in the language are from the government and I'm here to help you. And if you can take the government apart, take the federal government apart in particular, and rely on private initiative and maybe state and local government to deal with coronavirus and everything else, you've achieved your objective of undoing the New Deal. I mean, it's basically a revolution trying to turn the clock back before 1937. It's a it's a huge deal. And although this decision in itself doesn't achieve that and in fact as Kagan points out and demonstrates in her remarkably brilliant dissent, probably this decision doesn't make a hell of a lot of difference in terms of the way you see CRPB actually is going to work. This is the biggest shot that the court has fired in the direction of dismantling the entire federal government as a as an effective institution.

Harry Litman [00:39:57]: Ron, do you buy that basic analysis of why this is near and dear to the heart of the no longer new conservative?

Ron Klain [00:40:04]: I agree with Larry, his analysis. I do think that, in fact, rolling back delegation doctrine, I think, is a bigger threat to the future of the administrative state than this than this appointment or removal issue.

Harry Litman [00:40:17]: Give us 30 seconds on on what that means.

Ron Klain [00:40:20]: So the question is really what kinds of decisions can be left to administrative agencies versus being have the made by the Congress itself? And that was the doctrine that really substantially blew apart when the Court was on the wrong side of the New Deal and till the Court reversed itself. And I think that to me is the thing that really puts the administrative state at risk. That's also another part of the same legal movement. Larry's talking about. I think his appointments thing is a particular sticking point for legal conservatives. I do think two things about this case. One, I think Chief Justice Robert's opinion on the one hand, Justice Kagan's dissent on the other hand, these are the two opinions from the term most likely to be reprinted in constitutional law adn administrative law casebooks for the foreseeable future. Generations and generations of generations of law studnts are going to read these two opinions. I also do think it's worth saying, as Justice Kagan did, as someone who's been in the White House, as both a legal scholar, genius herself, and also a practical, experienced executive branch official. The practical application of this, as opposed to delegation doctrine, may be much less. In fact, if you think about the CFPB itself, what we know, what you know, Harry, is that President Trump was ready to remove the independent director of the CFPB for cause, in quotes, because he was just going to drum up something and claim he had mismanaged the agency and fired him anyway.

Harry Litman [00:41:42]: It's the lying principle that Dahlia said.

Ron Klain [00:41:44]: It's the lying. But, yeah, maybe maybe that's moot. Who knows how the court would have passed that out? I'm just saying in practice, I mean, Justice Kagan points out, on the one hand, there are four other agencies that have this appointment structure. Their big Social Security administration is one of them. Federal Housing Financing Administration is another one. But also makes the point that actually, in essence, since the Civil War, Congress has set up this kind of thing only four times, five times. It's not that frequently occurring. If you believe that the multimember agencies like FTC, SCC are truly protected. That's what Roberts says. Let's see then. You know, how big an impact this really has. Not totally clear to me, but certainly the philosophy embodied in Roberts opinion, that genius embodies to Justice Kagan's dissent. We are going to read those over and over again for years to come.

Dahlia Lithwick [00:42:33]: John Roberts and Elena Kagan are two sides of the same coin. They are such remarkably similar characters, despite the differences. And one of the ways in I think both of them have just tremendous E. Q ability to read the room, very, very deft readers of a situation. And I think they're both singularly good at that. And just to Ron's point, they're both such phenomenal writers. And I just you know, I have to commend to folks you flicked it at Harry. But we should say it explicitly. Here's Elena Kagan in dissent. Quote, The majority offers the civics class version of separation of powers. Call it the Schoolhouse Rock definition of the phrase. See, Schoolhouse Rock. Exclamation mark. And then she goes on to say, you know, YouTube videos of Schoolhouse Rock. I mean, she's just really masterful at the send out the scoffing. Really, really this is only one administrator as opposed to a different structure. Come on. You're gunning for that, too. And then. And then also just noting why the CFPB was set up, what it was designed to do, this very, very careful coda saying, we built this organization. This country built it for a reason. And that's what's going to be affected. And I just think it's so remarkable to see the two of them when they really face off in this way in a majority and a dissent, because they're both just so good at it.

Harry Litman [00:44:00]: And they've done it before, you know, and this is we're a hometown crowd. But I really would say that that Kagan a she's broadened the possibilities of Supreme Court writing. She shifts in this opinion, as she has in the past, implicitly into a sort of a second person directly talking to the people as opposed to Roberts. And I you know, I think for the combination of technical chops and occasional soaring or really perfect little paragraphs, I think she is the Roberts, a great craftsperson. But I think Kagan is really the gold standard of writing on the Court. But you're right, that few terms now, how many has it been that they've been together? Something like nine. And I can think of two or three other instances where the term has ended with a kind of Ali-Frazier back and forth between the two of them that I think people will study.

Harry Litman [00:44:51]: But she actually says kind of contra to Ron that the practical implications are pretty big here because she says what should be the guiding principle? The majority kind of makes up this, what she calls an anti concentration of power principle. What really should matter is if the political branches get together and say, here's a good idea, here's a good way to split the baby in this instance. So she suggests at least that there will be, at least by the rationale of the opinion, all manner of practical New Deal like solutions, some of which will be right, some of which will be wrong, that this will just take off the table for the political branches. She she sees, I think, a bigger potential practical impact than Ron suggests.

Laurence Tribe [00:45:36]: Harry, I agree very much with you. I think apart from the brilliant style, I mean, she's she does talk directly to the reader. She says the question, which by now you're well equipped to answer is this. I mean, it's just brilliant exercise in persuasion. Apart from that and apart from the devastating logic, she's basically saying that the stupidity of the majority and its failure to recognize how government works shows how brilliant the framers were in not tying Congress's hands as much as Roberts and his colleagues would. She makes a powerful case that this is a direct assault on the great case of McCulloch V. Maryland, which I know think she mentions, but which you might as well. The point is that this is a constitution designed to last for the ages. It was never designed to set things up in three completely separate silos. And she demonstrates more devastatingly than I've ever seen done how the formalistic approach of reading the Constitution, the way Roberts does here, is going to basically destroy the effectiveness of government. What essentially she does in this case convinces me that the Roberts approach, which is not quite as extreme as Gorsuch and Kavanaugh and Alito and Thomas, but almost is not really going to last. She's written an opinion that will, I think, be in casebooks 50 years from now, not just 10. And his is going to be in the dustbin of history.

Harry Litman [00:47:04]: Ron. Ron is dead on this, will. I think this is the argument why this might have been the bigger battle so far of the whole term. We could talk about this much longer. I just like to take three minutes, though, because everyone here now has adverted to the remarkable power that a combination of of practical circumstance and tactical genius have now invested in the Chief Justice who not only assigns the opinions, but pretty much I think he is has been the fifth vote in all five, four votes. And I just want to ask this question. When when Kennedy was the pivotal vote, there were--sophisticated advocates framed their arguments in terms of the things that they thought would attract him, the kinds of arguments he might be soft for. Now, what happens in the new in this new day, especially given, as Dahlia has said, the great kind of sophistication and self-possession that Roberts already has? What kinds of arguments will the best advocates be making to specifically try to pluck off that fifth Roberts vote in the coming terms?

Laurence Tribe [00:48:18]: Gee, you know, as someone who has taught both Roberts and Hagan, you think I might have some ideas about this.

Harry Litman [00:48:23]: And argued 35 cases!

Laurence Tribe [00:48:25]: I have to say, I almost draw a blank. I mean, appealing to him means talking in ways that he believes can be made easily understandable. He really doesn't like things that are going to sound obscure. He loves simplification. He loves things that will fit on a bumper sticker. Ultimately, though, he is a brilliant legal mind and writer. He's not, in my view, quite as brilliant as Kagan. But you have to I don't mean talk down to him, but you have to give him things he can work with. Take his fundamental ideology as a given. You're not going to move in there, but try to find categories that will enable him to believe he's advancing his interests in the long run while doing something in the short run that makes legal sense.

Dahlia Lithwick [00:49:10]: I think I would probably say, and I've been saying this just this term, I think with Roberts it was essential this term to look at the whole board. And I think in any of the cases we've discussed where he flipped and voted with the liberal wing, he would have done something entirely different if all of these cases hadn't been the sort of three car pileup clown show. Everything was on the docket this term. And then you had to sort of reverse engineer what are the things that he's gettable on because they're not his issues. And I think that, you know, we know what he cares passionately about. He cares passionately about voting. He cares passionately about race. I think he cares passionately about making sure that big business is happy. And that at least gives you, I think, some clue to the places that he defected this year. But I would say there are some rock solid principles and I would submit that voting is one of them where you're just not going to get him. I think the five four late night decision about Alabama curbside voting is a good example. I'm not sure he's gettable on some issues. And so in addition to I completely align myself with Larry, which is to say, I think there's a form of argument that is absolutely going to work for him. And I think people are going to be looking to pick off Kagan and Breyer and Gorsuch and Kavanaugh and create some kind of a middle bulge around centrists at the court. But I think the real issue is it's hard to look at any of these cases in isolation because I think they were pinging off each other all year.

Ron Klain [00:50:44]: Yeah, I mean, if I could just build on that with both what Larry and Dahlia said, I do think there's three things about Roberts. I think if there is a philosophy here, what's really interesting and different about him versus Kennedy, Kelly, you could understand what the philosophy was. People could say it was fuzzy or kind of too vague, but you knew what he was going for here. I think there's a philosophy with Roberts. It's around the idea of the Court as an institution trying to restore some of the dignity and legitimacy it lost with Bush versus Gore. Were all the products of our own time. He's the first post Bush versus Gore, Chief Justice. I think he's tried to think about how to give the court a less political, less partizan image. I think that's part of these decisions. And I think the sloppiness of the Trump administration of the DACA case, the ballsiness of the Louisiana law to mimic the Texas law here, I think he's just trying to shave off some of the sharp edges and redeem the court a little bit as an institution. I do think, as Daley alluded to before, he is playing the long game. Even a ruling that may seem somewhat liberal may have the seeds of future destruction in it. I think if you think about Bostuck, that Title seven ruling this term was the embrace of textualism there a one two punch to eventually take down affirmative action later on. Just want to flag that as a possibility. And then finally, I'd say, you know, as Dahlia said, it's the whole board. We're having this conversation before the Supreme Court rules on Trump's tax return, on the religious exemption case that are coming the week after July 4th. And it's possible that, you know, Roberts looked at all these votes, lined them all up, picked the things he was going to go right on, in some cases, picked a few things to kind of do to look like he's balanced. And when we add this all up, this may look very different a week from now than it looks today.

Harry Litman [00:52:29]: I think these are all great points. I'd only add to them this might be cynical on my part, but I'm trying to think of the counter example of this. I knew him, as did others, I think, in the SD office. He's a dyed in the wool Republican. And when there are real stakes for one party or another, I think that will matter to him. But the the only argument, kind of rhetorical strategy I would think of is to try to present one's position as very much incremental, shaving off as Ron says, and playing to this notion of modesty in the court as taking baby steps to the extent you can win those sorts of rhetorical battles with your opponent. All right. Another huge topic for the ages, which we'll talk in turns to come, but we are out of time for what's been a fantastic hour. Thank you, everyone. We have just a couple of minutes for our final feature of five words or fewer, where we take a question from a listener and each of us has to answer in five words or fewer.

Harry Litman [00:53:25]: And this today is from Jamie Barwell, who asks, Who will win the three Trump financial records cases?

Laurence Tribe [00:53:36]: High burden, no absolute immunity.

Harry Litman [00:53:39]: And just kind of curious. That's speaking specifically to the congressional cases. Yes.

Laurence Tribe [00:53:43]: No, I think it's a both. It's going to be you won't be able to just do fishing expeditions into the presidency. Even into private pre presidential papers. But the idea that being president will give you a total immunity will be rejected. That's what I would think.

Harry Litman [00:53:58]: Gotcha. But that will apply even in the Vantz case, that they might remand to see whether he's made an initial showing of special need. Yes.

Laurence Tribe [00:54:06]: That they might remand and all of them.

Dahlia Lithwick [00:54:08]: My answer was going to be: kick the can down the road.

Harry Litman [00:54:12]: Nice.

Ron Klain [00:54:13]: Damn, that was mine.

Harry Litman [00:54:13]: Don't need that definite article.

Ron Klain [00:54:16]: Can kicked. Trump stalls.

Dahlia Lithwick [00:54:19]: In four words, too! You beat me.

Harry Litman [00:54:23]: My five is. Agree, as always, with Larry.

Harry Litman [00:54:33]: Thank you very much to Dahlia, Ron and Laurence Tribe Emeritua. And thank you very much, listeners, for tuning in to Talking Feds. If you like what you've heard, please tell a friend to subscribe to us on Apple podcast or wherever they get their podcasts. And please take a moment to rate and review this podcast. You can follow us on Twitter @TalkingFeds od to find out about future episodes and other feds related content. And you can also check us out on the Web TalkinFed's.com, where we have full episode transcripts. Or on Patreon where we post ad free episodes, but also discussions about special topics exclusively for supporters. We've had, I think, five just this week, including conversations about Hong Kong, Princeton, Larry Tribe and the Russian bounty. And follow our special series of interviews with potential running mates for Joe Biden. We've just published a one on one with me and Stacey Abrams that I think is as thoughtful and nuanced, a discussion with her as I've heard. Submit your questions to questions@talkingfed.Com, whether it's for five words or fewer or general questions about the inner workings of the legal system for our sidebar segments. Thanks for tuning in. And don't worry, as long as you need answers, the feds will keep talking.

Harry Litman [00:55:54]: Talking Feds is produced by Jennifer Bassett and Rebecca Lopatin. Our editor is Justin Wright. David Lieberman and Rosie Don Griffin are contributing writers, production assistants by Ayo Asaba Mirro. And our consulting producer is Andrea carla Michaels, thanks very much to all 10 of the former Tribe students and fan club members for sharing their gratitude to Laurence Tribe for his great effect on their lives. Our gratitude is always to the amazing Philip Glass, who graciously lets us use his music. Talking Feds is production of Delido LLC. I'm Harry Litman. See you next time.

 

TALKING FEDS 1-ON-1: A CONVERSATION WITH STACEY ABRAMS

Harry Litman [00:00:07]: Welcome to Talking Feds. I'm Harry Litman. Today, we present another in our series of interviews of prominent political figures in the mix to be presumptive Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden's running mate. And we're really pleased to have the opportunity to talk with Stacey Abrams. Abrams, of course, burst onto the national scene during the highly contested 2018 Georgia gubernatorial race, where she built a broad coalition of voters, the likes of which Georgia had never seen, but came up just short to Republican Brian Kemp amid allegations of voter suppression. Since then, she's remained visible on the national scene, delivering the Democrat's response last year to the State of the Union and starting three separate public policy organizations. And three weeks ago, she published our Time Is Now Power, Purpose and the Fight for a Fair America. It's a remarkable book that is at once a personal memoir, a scholarly account of the slow and staggered march of voting rights in the United States since the Civil War and a blueprint for Democrats to increase the franchise going forward. Abrams has a long history of civic engagement dating to her teens. She registered people to vote before old enough herself to do so. She served as the minority leader of the Georgia House of Representatives, a deputy city attorney of Atlanta, a tax attorney, an entrepreneur, and an author of 10 books, including eight romance novels under the name SalinaMontgomery. That latter experience shows in the prose in Our Time is Now, which is assured, nuanced and occasionally soaring. Stacey Abrams, welcome to Talking Feds.

Stacey Abrams [00:01:53]: Thank you so much. I appreciate being invited.

Harry Litman [00:01:56]: I'd really like to try to focus on the book, which I say has several facets. Let's start toward the end, which contains your detailed prescription does the final section for growing the base of Democratic voters. Republicans have for some time used the term identity politics as a kind of code for bean counting and singular focus on race and gender. You embrace the term and seek to restore it to its good connotations and kind of historical use. Can you explain?

Stacey Abrams [00:02:28]: Certainly. The original phrase identity politics was coined by black women who wanted to speak about the intersection of race and gender and how their opportunities were either advantaged or more often disadvantaged by their participation in politics. And so when you expand out that lens, identity politics is nothing more revolutionary than saying, I want to be seen. I want to be heard. And I want those who are elected to lead me to understand the barriers to my participation and to be willing to work to fix them.

Harry Litman [00:03:04]: And you see those barriers it sounds like in part, as a matter not just of individual weapons, but rather as a matter of impediments directed at identities, identities of race, which, as you note, is the strongest predictor of political affiliation and identities of gender and the like. Is that fair?

Stacey Abrams [00:03:26]: It not only is it fair, but it's historical. We have as a nation engaged in identity politics from our inception. I mean, the founding documents of our nation questioned the humanity of Blacks, made Native Americans invisible, silenced women, and then through the Naturalization Act of 1790, said that any new comers would be suspect and the likelihood of their joining as citizens was going to be made privy to this very rigorous analysis of whether they seemed like the right kind of people. And so our politics from the beginning have leveraged identity to determine who had full citizenship and who did not. And therefore, I find it deeply disingenuous that in the 21st century we suddenly recoil from this idea that identity has some bearing on how we behave since our nation has been spending the last 240 years trying to remedy in particular the laws that we put in place to limit access based on identity. [57.8s]

Harry Litman [00:04:25]: Well, so is it your sense that, in fact, everybody or what-- let's cut to the chase Republicans engage in identity politics? They just do it under cover of a different name?

Stacey Abrams [00:04:37]: Yes. They call it patriotism. [00:04:39]I mean, that's fundamentally the challenge. They seek to appropriate this idea that there is a generic identity of American and that it should not be hyphenated or at all investigated because we are all just American. But when you look beneath the surface, what they mean is that American is typically a white male prerogative and everything radiates from that fulcrum. And the problem is, even that narrative is flawed and it's disingenuous because there has never been this prototypical person, as I talk about in the book, the working class white guy in Kansas might be married to an Ethiopian refugee and their daughter might be--they might be lesbian daughters who are married now living in Georgia. I mean, we've got to have this broader understanding about the complexity of our society. And this notion that anything that questions that very disentangled notion of what it means to be an American ignores why we are so good at being who we are. And my response is that rather than letting ourselves be pulled into this defensive posture where we have to explain why identity is real and true and an important marker, we should embrace how it helps us be better at what we do. It is why we have an Americans with Disabilities Act. It is why we were willing to take the steps necessary in the Supreme Court just this year to include the LGBTQ community and the Civil Rights Act. It's why we have civil rights laws to begin with, because there isn't the single strand identity. And it is mythological, in fact, is a lie to say we do.

Harry Litman [00:06:15]: Yeah, I mean, you make an important historical point it seems to me. Now identity politics centers around arguably hot button characterizations of race, sex, gender, sexual orientation. And yet, if you were a student in American political history 101, you would study the labor movement of the 19th and 20th century, the civil rights movement, the feminist movement and all those really were historic exercises in identity politics under perhaps a different name.

Stacey Abrams [00:06:46]: Exactly.

Harry Litman [00:06:47]: You consciously put today's efforts in terms of what reminded me of what New Yorker editor David Remnick calls the Joshua generation in contrast to the Moses generation. That is your account of the ongoing impediments draws a distinction between the tools employed in your grandmother's day. When, as you tell, earlier in the book she was literally afraid to exercise her constitutional rights. And today, what seems more like obstacles of these labyrinthine set of tools and regulation. You say in the book Americans need a robust understanding of what voter suppression looks like today. Well, what does it look like? Does it look like one thing?

Stacey Abrams [00:07:29]: Not at all. The architecture of voter suppression has three facets. Can you register and stay on the rolls? Can you cast a ballot? And does your ballot get counted? Registration and staying on the rolls is the point of entry to participation in our democracy. And we have to understand that Americans have become inured to this notion that the way we do it isn't odd. We are one of the few democratized industrialized nations that actually requires each individual citizen to investigate how to become a participating citizen, depending on where they live. [30.8s]

Harry Litman [00:08:01]: Is that right? What would be the typical model in another, you say, in Western Europe?

Stacey Abrams [00:08:05]: Most nations automatically register all their voters. You can seek to be taken off the list, but you are by your citizenship added to the list and your changes are simply administrative updates. That's not the proof of concept that we have to go through in too many states in the country that we do today. And so if you if I live in California or Washington State, I'm automatically added to the rolls. If I live in Mississippi, I've got to go through processes. I live in Florida. They made it so difficult to be added to the rules that the League of Women Voters, for the first time in 100 years, refused to register voters there because they were so afraid of the consequences of voter registration efforts. And the reality is, if I live in one county in Georgia and I moved to another county, I've got to update my registration, which may have some baseline rationale. But if I don't remember to do it twenty nine days before an election, then I am completely pushed out of the process and it's illegal for me to go back to where I was before I moved because I'd missed the cutoff date. And if I live in a different state, it may be a week or it may be forty five days. And I then have to become not simply a citizen, but an expert in election law in order to participate in the fundamental processes of democracy.

Harry Litman [00:09:18]: True. Well, let me ask I mean, do you see these various and sundry impediments in different states as generally speaking, part of a concerted strategy to suppress  more often than not, the Democratic vote? Or are they just a happenstance obstacle course that we've been, we all have to run.

Stacey Abrams [00:09:37]: Voter suppression has existed as long as this country has. And the original manifestation was that we set this national notion of democracy, but then we delegated to the states, the administration of the process. So let's take that into consideration. The second issue is, can you cast a ballot? Well, one of the ways that in previous decades people were prevented from casting a ballot was poll taxes and literacy tests. Most people think of literacy tests as the province of the South because they perfected it.

Harry Litman [00:10:05]: Yeah.

Stacey Abrams [00:10:05]: But, they started in the northeast. The original literacy tests were used to keep European immigrants who were considered undesirable from being able to participate in elections. It was designed to suppress the vote and push people out of the process using administrative tools. And so one of the pieces of voter suppression and the original sin is that our nation was never designed to allow citizens to actually speak. That's why at our inception, white men who owned land were the only ones who were actually permitted to vote. And it has taken for constitutional amendments and the Voting Rights Act to enlarge it to the space where you at least have the right, if not the ability. And the targets have been, by law, people of color, young people and it tends to disadvantage the poor because in the 21st century, most of the laverntine rules tend to require you have the finances to either navigate those rules, to meet those obligations or to defend your right and get someone to grant them to you again.

Harry Litman [00:11:07]: Yeah. Now, as you say, we've got all kinds of different stratagems and laws and regulations and we can't go through them all. But you spend a fair bit of time talking about one Supreme Court decision, Shelby County vs. Holder, which essentially scrapped the most important provision of the Voting Rights Act by effectively negating the core mechanism for preventing voter suppression. This is hard, but if you had a single silver bullet for everything that's that's out there that you could reverse over the last 10 years, is that what you would use it for?

Stacey Abrams [00:11:44]: Absolutely. We need to restore the Voting Rights Act and expand its penumbra to cover every state that has behaved in a fashion that has interceded with the right to vote. There are some states that do a really good job and they have corrected most of the mechanisms used to undermine the right to vote. Anyone else should be subject to preclearance.

Harry Litman [00:12:01]: OK, let's talk for just a minute about third party registration because you cited as indispensable. But it's also the device that Republicans especially seize on to allege, at least a theoretical possibility of some kind of fraud. And in the very, very, very, very, very few instances of documented fraud, I think it does seem to be a kind of a culprit. You call it, though, the gateway to participation. Third party registration. Can you explain?

Stacey Abrams [00:12:34]: Well, as I said, we are one of the few nations that requires the individual action of a citizen to get on the rolls. And the challenge is that registration is not because it's not automatic you have to know what the rules are depending on where you live. And often when we find that people have unlawfully registered, it was not out of malice or fraud. It was out of confusion. And so one of the best antidotes to the likelihood that people will be confused by the process is to have experts help them register. We know that for communities that have been traditionally disenfranchized, voter registration through third parties are the most effective way to engage them. You're twice as likely to participate if you're invited by a third party who walks you through the process, helps you navigate the obstacles and make certain that you get on the rolls. And that is why Republicans have dramatically attacked that in the last 20 years. Now, prior to this, that really wasn't that big a deal. But as more and more people of color got added to the rolls in states that were not used to that level of diversity or that level of participation, we have seen a concomitant increase in the attacks on those processes. When Florida added those rules, it was because Florida voted in 2008 for Barack Obama and you saw a raft of laws that followed. The same thing has happened in Wisconsin and in Texas. And as I point out in great detail, in the state of Georgia. My opponent in the 2018 election, we had our first public spat over a third party voter registration effort that, as he put it, was registering too many people of color.

Harry Litman [00:14:05]: That's right. And also, people point out the many newer participants, at least for Obama, as a proof that somehow suppression isn't a problem. Let's try to zero in on a whole other big chunk of the problem that is basically unrelated to malevolent suppression devices. And you talk about it. In fact, it's something that you notably were able to overcome in your own campaign when that's the lassitude of potential Democratic voters, especially college students. As a Democrat, I'm often want to tear my hair out because they seem enthused, they're on Twitter and then they just don't show up on Election Day. When you achieved really notable success there, you had almost two million voters on Election Day, which is the highest number of Democratic votes in history, with really noteworthy spikes among certain groups. So this is a complicated story, of course, in a book in itself. But here is my question again. If I had to put to you one bigger problem and no punting here unless you truly don't know. Is it the apathy or lassitude of potential Democratic voters like college students or the array of impediments erected by state governments that is in hardcore number terms the bigger problem and challenge for Democrats?

Stacey Abrams [00:15:24]: Yes.

Harry Litman [00:15:26]: No fair. OK, go ahead.

Stacey Abrams [00:15:28]: We have to remember that these aren't standalone issues. These are intertwined. If there is a system that distance and advises your participation and when you try to participate, you face these disincentives, then your likelihood of trying again is going to be diminished. The corallary is that it's actually also a challenge that's posed by campaigns themselves, which do great lip service to critiquing young people for not participating, critiquing communities that don't participate, but then do nothing to actually warrent to their engagement.

Harry Litman [00:15:57]: Like what?

Stacey Abrams [00:15:58]: Is insufficient to say that I want you to vote for me because I care about you. But I'm not going to talk about any of the issues that animate you. I'm going to run a pablum campaign that is going to talk about things in such generic and middle aged terms that you see no incentive for your participation. If you don't have a campaign, for example, our campaign we talked about criminal justice reform. We talked about health care access. We talked about the environment, but not in these esoteric terms, but in real conversational terms about what it means. If you are a young person who has been arrested, if you have a record, you are now no longer eligible for Pell Grants, which means your future has ended because of this arrest and conviction. Your ability to get a job. Your ability to navigate and get capital if you decide to start a small business. So let's not just talk about what the challenges. Let's talk about what the consequences are, because that's how you get young people engaged. Middle aged people may not need all of this information because they've already experienced it, but if we want young people to vote, we have to connect the dots. And that means we have to actually talk about the issues in a way that actually meets them where they are in the cycle of the social contract. And so what we did differently was that we had all of these conversations. And I had them, whether it no matter how old you were, no matter what generation you were from, no matter what race you were, no matter what region you lived in. We went to all one hundred and fifty nine counties and we increased turnout across the board with every single metric.

Harry Litman [00:17:26]: Yeah, it's a really interesting point. I think you have at least the glimmer of these conversations during primary season. But then on the national scene, when the candidate turns to just trying to contrast herself or himself with the Republican nominee, it does seem to tack toward the center and a much more kind of pablum, make no mistake, approach. I want to ask you about one other feature that we put up with, even as it's frustrating. And yet every time I see it, it strikes me as completely scandalous, completely unacceptable for 2020. How in the hell does it happen that year in, year out we'll see at 10 p.m. in lower income neighborhoods, these lines stretching out of people who've been waiting for four or five hours, while in nearby more affluent communities you stroll in and out? How do you fix that? And it's amazing that it's just that it crops up again and again now. What's what's going on?

Stacey Abrams [00:18:26]: So one challenge is the challenge of polling place closures. And it's one of the reasons I talk about that in such depth. When you close a polling place for someone with a car and someone with a flexible schedule, it's no big deal. But if you rely on public transit, if you are a shift worker when the polling place is a mile from you, shuts down and you have to travel three miles and that new location is not on the route, or you don't learn about the closure until you are at the front of the two hour line you were standing in. And now it's too late to make it across town to the place you were supposed to go because you were never given notice. It makes it impossible to vote. So it's one the convenience of location matters. When convenience is one of the prerequisites for your participation. Number two, it is the complexity of the rules. Because of the labyrinth of rules in some states for how you get on the rolls, how you stay on the rolls, you may not know all of the things you were supposed to do because you didn't have to do it in the last place you voted and you didn't think to order the election law book for the state you now live in. Number three, it is an underresourced thing. There is a traditional belief that communities of color and especially low income communities are not going to participate. And so the investment that should be made is not only not made, but there's actually a disinvestment and there is an under resourcing of staffing, of training and equipment. And when there is the participation levels that candidates have been pushing for, when it's actually realized the locations can't meet the moment, and thus you see these long lines, long lines are not a signal of enthusiasm. It's a signal of the breakdown and the ineffectiveness of the administration of elections. And that is a problem, and that should be something we bemoan. Never something we celebrate.

Harry Litman [00:20:11]: Yeah, I mean, in a business or or whatever would be considered intolerable. All right. One more question about the book. You write, I think provocatively, that you no longer believe there is a bright line between domestic and foreign policy. Can you spell that out a little for us?

Stacey Abrams [00:20:28]: Certainly. When I started my most public phase of my life, when I was a grad school or just about to start grad school, and I was having a conversation with a friend about my focus on domestic policy because that is what was driving me. And he challenged me to understand how important foreign policy was. One as an absolute because we live in a global society and ignorance is especially for someone who wanted to be part of the national conversation, was inexcusable. Two, there are things to be learned from how other nations address challenges and what they are doing that could cause challenges for us.

Stacey Abrams [00:21:06]: And three, that as a leader, as the leader, the United States is obligated to to be good at what we do, to be good at democracy, to be good at the administration, not only have elections, but the administration of government. And in this current moment, the rise of authoritarianism is a direct challenge to the legitimacy of democracy. And incompetence is what is, I think, causing the greatest harm to us. And so the bright line that said that we could ignore what was happening over there was a race long ago. And for me, I've been I've spent the last twenty five years trying to make sure I understood the wholeness of policy, recognizing that domestic and foreign are often intertwined, that what happens to farmers in Georgia and Iowa is directly related to the weather patterns in China. [53.9s]

Harry Litman [00:22:01]: I guess you see this and this has really elevated in the age of Trump, but also Boris Johnson and Turkey and a new cadre of kind of authoritarian leaders that seem to be.

Stacey Abrams [00:22:13]: I wouldn't put Boris Johnson in the authoritarian regime. I mean, I think he likes to flirt, but he has never taken those real steps. But I would point to Erdogan in Turkey. I would point to in under Modi and I would put to Orban in Hungary. To Duarte in the Philippines. And what's happening in Indonesia and what's happening with gyroball scenario down in Brazil, although there re democratization luckily empowered their states enough that he has been unable to bring to fruition his goals. But he's trying really hard.

Harry Litman [00:22:43]: Is there a policy issue you feel passionate about-- you've taken sort of so much in and you synthesize so many different aspects of politics and civil society--that you're passionate about, but you're never really asked about it?

Stacey Abrams [00:22:56]: I laughed because what drives me is poverty. I think poverty is immoral. I think it's economically inefficient. I think it is too often the instrument of oppression. And my responsibility is to understand the complexity of how it exists, how it's sustained and how good public policy can serve to dismantle it. But that means I have to be willing to think about and talk about criminal justice and environmental justice, to talk about trade policy, that I need to be well versed in all of these different spheres because they all implicate this core narrative in this core mission. And the challenge for me in itself, it's self-imposed. I want to fix a really big problem. So my responsibility is to be as well versed in as many facets of how our society operates, how our global economy operates as possible. And so for me, the challenges that I'm often relegated to this one singular issue of voting and voting is important to me, not because of the act itself, but because what the the power of the act determines. I care about voting because you cannot solve the challenges of justice, of equity, of poverty. If the right to vote isn't real. And that's why I talked about the census and all these other pieces. But I've become this voting rights activist, as though the vote is the thing as opposed to what the vote represents and what the vote makes real.

Harry Litman [00:24:26]: One last question. This is really so people who listen get a better sense of you as a person than a policy maker. But on the possibility of the vice presidential nomination, you've shown really immense and manifold strengths as a campaigner, as sort of a thinker of domestic issues. The rap that you get when people have these compendia is the ability to step into office for Biden, who will be the oldest president ever as of the day he takes office. So obviously it's a big concern. So what's your answer to those folks who want to know you would be ready to be commander in chief in a heartbeat?

Stacey Abrams [00:25:07]: I think, first of all, Joe Biden will be president on day one and day two, and he is a robust and vital man who will be the president of the United States and that is why I support his candidacy. And that is why I want to see him lead our nation. If I were so privileged as to be selected as his lieutenant, I would point that titles do not tell us what a person is capable of. Their actions, their capacity and their competencey. I have run organizations. I have built campaigns. I've also built institutions. I have the executive skills and I have the legislative skills. I was not elected in easy campaigns. I yes, I won the primary to become the state legislator, but my job was to negotiate with Republicans every single day and we were good at it. We got a lot done under my leadership and I ran a fairly aggressive and very effective campaign in a red state that is now purple leaning blue because I helped build the institutional capacity of Democrats in our state to be not only competitive, but to be ready to win. And so I am good at learning. I am good at execution. And most importantly, there is only one person who has had this job. And I know that Joe Biden is going to make the decision he feels is best for him. But I would not answer the question in the affirmative if I did not believe I was capable of doing the work.

Harry Litman [00:26:32]: Stacey Abrams, thanks very much for spending some time today with Talking Feds. We really appreciate it.

Stacey Abrams [00:26:38]: Thank you.

Harry Litman [00:26:43]: Thank you very muchStacey abrams for joining us. In this latest in our series of interviews with prospective running mates for presumed Democratic nominee for President Joe Biden. Our next regular episode will be Monday, when a stellar panel will join me to analyze the latest flurry of Supreme Court opinions. That will be Dahlia Lithwick, Ron Klain and the dean of American constitutional law himself, Laurence Tribe. And you can check us out also on Patreon where we post exclusive material for subscribers. This week alone, we've published five one on one discussions on interesting and diverse topics, including Hong Kong and Florida. Thanks for tuning in. Talking Feds is a production of Deledio LLC. I'm Harry Litman, See you next time.

 

The Sisters in Law Special Edition: Lowering the Barr

Jennifer Bassett [00:00:00]: Hi, I'm Jennifer. The producer talking feds and I want to think express VPN for supporting our podcast. You probably don't think much about internet privacy on your own home network, but guess what? It's a real issue. In fact, I was reading about Russian ransomware group who has been identifying employees working from home during the pandemic. They get inside home employees networks with malware to cripple their operations. The ransomware allows the hackers to demand that companies pay millions to get their data restored. Thankfully, VPN providers like Express VPN will secure your privacy and protect your information. They reroute your Internet connection through express VPN, secure servers, keeping your data safe and protected. Visit Express VPN.com/feds and you can get an extra three months free on a one year package.

Harry Litman [00:00:41]: Welcome to a very special episode of Talking Feds, a roundtable that brings together prominent former federal officials and special guests for a dynamic discussion of the most important legal topics of the day. I'm Harry Litman. But you won't be hearing from me much today. Instead, we are presenting a foursome of former prosecutors whom Twitter and Facebook have clamored to here together for literally years. They are the much vaunted sisters in law. Among the charter feds who were on board from the beginning are five women Joyce Vance, Jill Wine Banks, Barbara McQuade, Maya Wiley and Mimi Rocah, the newly elected D.A. of Westchester County. They're all extremely well known from MSNBC, but they always appear with others. I've long since lost count of the requests or demands that they have their own platform to interact with one another and only one another. And here for the first time, they do. Joyce, Jill, Barb and Maya break down another eventful week. And Mimi provides the sidebar. It's a bonanza. Before I turn the mike over, one more quick announcement. It's late June, and the country's focus turns to the final flurry of Supreme Court opinions. But there's a podcast, Amicus hosted by Dahlia Lithwick that you'll want to listen to in the coming two weeks for sure. But that does a deep dove into the U.S. justice system and our democracy year round. I listen regularly, and Dahlia has a gift for using interviews with important legal figures to bring out both the legal nuances and the human impact of Supreme Court cases. I really recommend it. And oh, yes, talking Fez will certainly be all over the important end of this blockbuster Supreme Court term with two episodes, one this Friday, featuring the dean of American constitutional law, Larry Tribe, along with Dahlia Lithwick herself and Ron Klain. So please tune in for that. And then within a couple days of the end of the term, our regular Supreme Court panel of Amy Howe, Leah Litman and Kate Shaw will tape an end of term analysis. So stay tuned to talking feds for coverage of the court's decisions. And now we give you the sisters in law.

Joyce Vance [00:03:13]: I'm Joyce Vance, in for Harry Litman, for this special Sisters in Law episode of Talking Feds. When we first started planning this show and selected this week. We had no idea what an appropriate time it would be for the first ever sisters-in-law podcast. And no, for those who always ask, we aren't sisters in law because our kids have all intermarried. We're quite literally sisters connected by our love of the law. Sisters in the Law.

Joyce Vance [00:03:39]: Barb McQuade and I work together as U.S. attorneys during the Obama administration. Barb was in Detroit. I was in Birmingham. We were both career prosecutors with four children each before becoming political appointees. Thanks for being here, Barb.

Barbara McQuade [00:03:55]: Thanks very much, Joyce. Really glad to be with you all.

Joyce Vance [00:03:57]: Barb and I met Maya Wiley and Jill Wine Banks after we all began working as legal analysts for NBC and for MSNBC. Maya has an incredible background, not just as a former civil prosecutor in the legendary Southern District of New York, but also as a civil rights activist and as a former board chair of the New York City Civilian Complaint Review Board, which is an independent and impartial police oversight agency. Maya, thanks for being here.

Maya Wiley [00:04:26]: It's a pleasure to be with you.

Joyce Vance [00:04:28]: Jill Wine-Banks really needs no introduction while serving as an organized crime prosecutor at DOJ, she was selected to be an assistant special Watergate prosecutor, the only woman to join that legendary group of prosecutors. Jill has spent her time since then, both in private practice and in government service, and has had a fascinating career. You can actually read about it in her book, The Watergate Girl, which is a great read. Jill, thanks for being here.

Jill Wine-Banks [00:04:55]: My pleasure to be with all of you.

Joyce Vance [00:04:57]: So the sisters in law decide to get together for a virtual cup of coffee and a discussion about what's going on in the intersection of law, policy and politics, which is our favorite place to be. And what a week we thought. We're in the middle of a pandemic. The president is holding MAGA parties in states like Arizona and Oklahoma, where infection rates are spiking. There are national protests sparked by the murder of George Floyd by Minneapolis police. The protests are ongoing and no one knows quite where we'll end up. Late last Friday, the attorney general, Bill Barr, announced that Jeffrey Berman, the U.S. attorney in the southern district of New York, was stepping down and being replaced by one of President Trump's golfing buddies. Berman quickly responded with a public statement on Twitter saying he knew nothing about it and most assuredly wasn't stepping down. Berman only agreed to leave after ensuring that his deputy, Audrey Strauss, a nonpolitical career employee, would take over. On Wednesday, erin Zwolinski and John Elias, two current assistant United States attorneys, testified before the House Judiciary Committee. Zelinski and Elias talked about politically motivated prosecutions. It was a week to rival Mr. Toad's Wild Ride, except that Disney is still closed. So grab a cup of coffee or maybe something a little bit stronger and have a listen along with us. We start today with the most important issue facing our country. Yesterday, the House passed a sweeping reform bill along party lines that would address systemic racism and police violence if it could pass the Senate. So, Maya, let's start with that. What needs to happen? And will America be able to keep its attention focused on the issue and create the transformation that we need to have?

Maya Wiley [00:06:42]: First of all, Joyce, I love you. I just have to say that on air. Secondly, policing has been broken from the beginning in this country. And I think part of why we're seeing now in our fourth week of protesting that isn't going away, even as states and cities are starting to make police discipline more transparent, are starting to talk about ways to shift funding, to support communities and support the kinds of needs communities have instead of broken policing that we haven't yet. Even with this reform package that's sitting in Congress, we haven't yet gotten to what protesters are demanding, and that's that we fundamentally rethink what we even mean by public safety, because policing is control and containment. It's the front door to our jails and prisons that are filling with people who need mental health services, people who are housing insecure or need treatment for addiction much more than they need incarceration. And part of what has to happen is I feel strongly that the House bill needs to get passed because those reforms are very important for accountability, for holding officers accountable when they do wrong and making that due process continue to be fair for police, but also to protect the public from police when they do wrong. But fundamentally, the state and local conversations really have to be about if five percent of all the calls that police are getting in this country are for serious crimes, what are we doing with the 95 other 95% of calls? And why are they going to police? Why are they not going to folks that can support mental health? Why are they not going two ways. We can better manage the kind of crises that people find themselves in. That that right now are becoming problems for police rather than solutions for communities. And that's really why we're still seeing protesting in the streets.

Joyce Vance [00:08:46]: Yeah, I agree with everything you say. And I think this conversation might have had an easier start if the notion of defunding the police had not been the first foot forward. Will one of y'all talk about defunding the police, what it means and this notion that our budgets are moral documents and what we choose to fund and when we put funding in police, not mental health, for instance, that we're making a deliberate choice that may or in this case may not be serving our communities very well.

Jill Wine-Banks [00:09:16]: Joyce, I'd love to talk about that because I think that words matter and defund police has been a very pivotal way of identifying the movement, but has turned off a lot of people who think police are necessary. And I agree police are necessary and that if we had called it instead divert funding or reallocate, people would understand what it means. It isn't really intended to totally eliminate policing. It is intended to do what Maya was addressing, which is to say, for the 95 percent of cases that aren't investigations of serious threats and crimes, we should be sending appropriately trained psychologists, social workers, other people who can handle without guns and violence, things that could be de-escalated it instead of escalated into death. And so I think that the term is misleading people and unfortunately, it's sticking. So we need to find a way to say it in a manner that really conveys what people intended. And that's not to say that there aren't some people who said defund police who mean defund police. But I think a majority of people could go along with some way of saying, let the police focus on what they're trained to do, which is to solve crimes and to protect life when it's essential. [82.9s]

Joyce Vance [00:10:39]: There's definitely a conversation going on about abolishing police, which Jill, as you and Maya both point out, is different than defunding the police. That's a conversation I think we need to be careful about having. And you're right, Jill, the words do matter. Barb, you worked on these issues as a U.S. attorney. What do you think the path forward on policing looks like?

Barbara McQuade [00:11:00]: Well, first, I want to say, and I think all of you agree with us, that we all know wonderful police officers who take their jobs because they truly want to serve the public and they're feeling pain. Some of this conversation when talking about abolishing and defunding the police, because so many of them do want to help. And I think we all need police, we don't want to live in a world without police. Oftentimes, crime victims live in communities of color and welcome police. Their biggest complaint is often that the police don't come quickly enough when they call. But I do agree that this idea of reinventing police is extremely important. And I know there's some disagreement between Republicans and Democrats about the way forward. And Republicans think the Democratic bill, the Justice and Policing Act goes too far. I think it doesn't go far enough. As you said, Joyce, when I served as U.S. attorney. We handled a pattern and practice case with the Detroit Police Department, and it took us many years to try to persuade the Detroit Police Department to comply with constitutional policing requirements, including reducing excessive force. And what I saw there was that change really came and they achieved full compliance with the consent decree when they got a chief who really cared. It was all about the political will. And he came in and said, we will get this done. I know that there is a police chief in Camden, New Jersey, who worked to reinvent their police department. They completely dismantled their police department because it was so dysfunctional and they started from scratch. They redesigned it. They rehired all the officers. And that chief there, Scott Thompson, said you can change training all day. You can change policies all day. But culture eats policy for lunch. And it really is all about instilling a culture of this mindset that you are guardians of the community and not warriors of the streets. If you look at President Obama's 21st century policing task force recommendations, he gathered all kinds of experts from policing, as well as community advocates and defense attorneys and academics, and put together 92 recommendations about how to reform policing. This culture change was a big part of that. And the Democratic legislation embraces that. But I'd like to see additional things beyond things like improving training and removing chokeholds, removing no knock warrants, removing qualified immunity. Some of those things that are popular and are in there is how about changing the whole military structure of the police? You know, we have captains and sergeants and lieutenants. I just think it creates a whole culture of us versus them. And we're at war with the, quote, bad guys. And I think if instead we just thought of it in different words and different language and thought of it as being there to help.

Maya Wiley [00:13:32]: You know, there is a large number of people, particularly young people, who are calling for a vision that imagines a society that doesn't need policing and that the heart of that word is about a vision that thinks that that could be possible. And I do think it is important to embrace with this generation the possibility, and that's not an anti policing position in terms of the individuals. So I think Barb's extremely important point about it's not about police officers being bad. Policing is broken because of the construct of what policing is and  of the power, which we haven't talked enough about, of police unions to, in some respects, set and reinforce the very culture of policing that is so broken. I think it really is important to give acknowledgment to that because it is a vision of a safe public that imagines that might be possible. And I don't think it's. I just want to reiterate Barb's really important point. The Democratic bill does not demilitarize the police, and that is about national funding of police gear and equipment to policing. And that's something that I think some Democrats are talking about doing, because that is something that reinforces the culture that Barb so rightly said has to be challenged.

Jill Wine-Banks [00:14:52]: And Joyce, if I could just add to something that both Barb and Maya said following up on this military aspect, [00:14:59]when I was general counsel of the army, the military was giving its surplus weapons to the NRA. Now we're giving them to the police. And when you see the police with tanks and the military type equipment, it creates a whole different vision. It also gives tools that they will end up using that they shouldn't have to begin with. So I want to stress that point and how important it is for the Democrats to stand up to that issue and stop giving military surplus equipment. I think also, although, as Barb said, the Democratic bill may not go far enough, goes a lot farther than the Republicans are willing to go. And there are some things in it that are obvious, easy, quick fixes that both sides could agree on. And we should take action on those while we fight over the other sides of them. And then my I mentioned about the unions, which is a big problem in Chicago. We just had a case decided by the Illinois Supreme Court that the Better Government Association that I'm on the board of participated in, which resulted in the Illinois Supreme Court saying that the union contract saying that records of police misconduct must be destroyed after four years. Can that trump the FOIA, the Freedom of Information Act, and the transparency that it requires that the public interest requires that those records be kept. And so it voided that part of the contract. And that's an important outcome and something to think about for all states is that we must maintain these records because as Barbara was talking about, you can't have a pattern and practice case if you have to destroy all the records and you can't have a 10 year old history.

Joyce Vance [00:16:36]: So that's a great point, Jill. Creating a misconduct registry is essential. That's one of the issues that the House Democrats have in their bill. The other key steps in that bill are ending qualified immunity for police, making reckless violence criminal, restricting deadly force, banning chokehold and no knock warrants, barring racial profiling and strengthening consent decrees. What do you all think? I know we've said that the House bill doesn't go far enough in many regards. But as we look at the specifics, are these the correct important issues to key in on?

Maya Wiley [00:17:13]: I actually think they're incredibly important issues for accountability and in particular, I agree with Barb and also with Jill about the importance of the demilitarizing the police, which isn't there, but certainly the things that Republicans are saying they can't support, which are fundamental to making the police accountable for constitutional violations. So qualified immunity saying, you know, you don't get to have a level of protection that says just because we didn't have a case that had every element, context and aspect of what happened in your case does not give you a pass on violating someone's constitutional rights and not being subject to a lawsuit for it. We just saw the Supreme Court refused to hear a case in which a homeless man couldn't breathe and died in police restraints. In that case, there had been a case that said if the person handcuffed and laying down on the ground, their constitutional rights may have been violated if they die. In this case, the man was sitting up when he couldn't breathe and died. And the case was well qualified immunity because we didn't say he had to be laying down. But it would also be a constitutional violation if he was sitting up. Now, that doesn't make sense to most Americans and nor should it. So shame on the Republicans for protecting that kind of constitutional violation. But the other thing that is so important is the racial profiling piece. And I can tell you from the perspective of civilian oversight of police misconduct, so many times you'd see a case and say, you know, what's really going on here is it's and---these are not the cases in which people die. You know, we have to remember that part of why people are outraged. Part of why communities of color don't feel safe from the police, even if they want some safety from them, is because of the things that don't result in death, the throwing the kid up against the wall and stopping and frisking them because they're young and black or Latino and hanging out on a street corner with friends. Well, you know, guess what? Often overcrowded housing, maybe in the summer, no air conditioning. Kids hang out on the street, but to be kind of roughed up by the police accused of possibly carrying something like marijuana. And that is the kind of harrassment that often doesn't even result in arrest. But there is a pattern, a pattern to that kind of behavior.

Barbara McQuade [00:19:37]: I'll chime in on that. In addition to the provisions that Maya has talked about, there's a couple of other, I think, important provisions that are in the reform legislation. And Maya talked about the civil liability, qualified immunity. There's also, I think, an important change that needs to occur with regard to criminal liability. You know, we've all seen this before where we see a video where we see something just horrific. And then the police officer goes on trial and he's found not guilty. There may be many reasons why that happens, including, I'm sure, some implicit bias that goes into it. But I think one big reason is the legal standard is insurmountable. It's almost impossible to convict a police officer. When you have a federal civil rights violation, you have to prove that he acted willfully and that is that not only that he knew what he was doing was wrong. He has to know that he is violating a specific law, constitutional right the person is violated. And they can become just an insurmountable obstacle. And so I think lowering that standard to something like knowingly would mean that you still have to prove that the officer acted improperly and you want to give them the leeway that the case law permits, which is that you take into consideration that they are in a stressful situation, in a rapidly evolving situation, that there is 20/20 vision in hindsight that may be lacking at the time. All of those things would still be part of the jury instructions. But just asking them to decide, not that the officer acted willfully, that is intentionally and deliberately violating the law when they acted. But just that they knew what they were doing at the time they were doing it. I also think that would address individual officers. But there are also some provisions that are important for improving accountability in larger measure. And one of those is requiring dash cams and body cameras. Many departments already do this, but many do not. And instead, we have to rely on the fortuity of whether some passer by, some observer, happens to have a cell phone to be able to record this. The only reason we all know what happened to George Floyd is because there were witnesses who recorded it with their cell phones and then shared it with the media and social media. There are many other incidents where we don't have video of Breonna Taylor, for example. There are many other incidents where we don't really know exactly what happened. And so instead, what we get is a report told from the police officers perspective. Even if an officer is being truthful, I think that we still see things through our own eyes that can look different from the way they're described by the people involved in an incident. And then finally, data collection. We do not collect the data in this country of the race of the victim of police involved violence. And I think that we can't. Begin to get our arms around it until we see that data.

Joyce Vance [00:22:14]: Yeah, I really agree with all of that, Barb. And I'll just say that one of the last civil rights cases I prosecuted as a U.S. attorney was a police violence case involving an Indian grandfather in the northern part of Alabama in Huntsville. He was not, fortunately, killed in his encounter with police, but he was partially paralyzed and suffered really serious and debilitating injuries when he was body swept by a police officer who outweighed him by about 100 pounds. Body sweeping as a technique that's frowned upon, but it was within this department's training. And because the legal standard that you've talked about here, this need to prove intent or willfulness is such a high standard. The jury did not convict. I think if the lower standard that the House is talking about putting in place in its legislation were used, then prosecutors would be able to obtain convictions in appropriate cases. And it's a fine line. And there's a lot of debate, I think, about what the appropriate standard will be. But it's clear that the standard right now is too high and let too many officers get away with conduct that's simply unconscionable. I have one last question before we leave this topic. To the extent that we think it's unlikely that a bill will pass the federal government and that the federal government can be the entire vehicle for transformation of police here. Do we think answers could come from the states or at least some of the answers could come from the states?

Maya Wiley [00:23:43]: Oh, absolutely.

Jill Wine-Banks [00:23:44]: I certainly do think so. There's no question about it. Illinois is starting to address this. And I think that all states have the ability. Cities are the ones who employ the police. And so they can take the good ideas that have come out of this. The ones that are low hanging fruit. And even if you don't create the national registry of data that we need, you could at least have a statewide registry. You can certainly change the training. You can mandate body cams. Although, as you pointed out, we need funding and make sure that people use them, because for some reason, the police, when they did the no knock at Breonna Taylors, weren't wearing their cameras or didn't turn them on. So you have to mandate that they are and punish when they aren't. These are all things that can be done at the state level.

Joyce Vance [00:24:32]: That's the perfect segue way to today's sidebar segment, a conversation with our good friend, Mimi Rocah. Mimi is one of the original sisters in law. And as most of you know, she has spent the last several months running for the Democratic nomination to be district attorney in Westchester County, New York. The absentee ballots are still being tallied, but it looks like a landslide for Mimi. Mimi as an alumnus of the U.S. attorney's office in the Southern District of New York, where she worked with Preet Bharara. One day, I suspect it will be a badge of honor for him to be able to say that he worked with her. Mimi, we're all proud of you. We appreciate you making time to be with us. Start us off by letting us know what comes next.

Mimi Rocah [00:25:09]: Well, but first, I just want to say there is no group of people I would rather be talking with right now because feels like we've all been through a lot together in terms of watching the destruction of the Department of Justice and the justice system that we hold so dear all of us over the past couple of years. And as you know, I've spoken with every one of you individually about it, that's part of what motivated me to run. Because even though obviously this is not a Department of Justice, it's part of the broader justice system, as you said, it feels more important than ever now. What comes next in terms of the election is basically, you know, because of this year, there just there are more than normal amounts of absentee ballots and they can't start counting them until I think it's seven days after Election Day. And that will take a while. So we're looking at a couple of weeks. As you mentioned, though, our results, it's almost 70 percent lead in early voting and Election Day voting in person. And actually, there is not one town or city or village in Westchester County that we did not win by some margin. You don't want to jinx it, but it just looks really good. And I'm hoping we'll be able to say not only a victory, but a resounding call for change, which I think is hopefully where we're headed.

Joyce Vance [00:26:29]: So what are you going to do with that mandate? What is your first hundred days in office look like?

Mimi Rocah [00:26:34]: I think first and foremost, and this is a little bit of a local issue, but it ties into national issue. First and foremost, I really need to address what has been some reporting over the past couple weeks of really serious allegations of police misconduct in a number and not hurt its police department, which is one of our our largest cities here in Westchester. So there have been really serious allegations and apparently information that was reported by a really detailed investigative reporter with Gothamist that these recordings made by a whistleblower police officer were turned over to the DA's office over a year ago, and that that case has basically really not been investigated in any meaningful, thorough way and that the police officers have been continuing to do new cases and arrest people and do search work. That's first and foremost, conviction. Integrity, which is also tied to that, is something we do not have in any meaningful way in Westchester DA's office. And that's going to be one of my top, top priorities. Obviously, hiring people, quality people, but also making sure that we're really diversifying the office, working on proactive ways to do that, not just sitting back and waiting for applications to come in.

Joyce Vance [00:27:47]: Jill, Barb, you'll take it from here.

Barbara McQuade [00:27:50]: I would love to know what thoughts you might have about how from within your office you might shape police reform. You know, holding police officers accountable. You certainly don't have the tools to change laws. But I'm wondering if you've given some thought to how you might address that challenge as the as the D.A.?

 

Mimi Rocah [00:28:09] First and foremost. I think the people, the voters, the people who live here and the police officers need to know that they are going to have a DA's office who is going to take this really seriously. Any allegation, however big, however small, and that it will be thoroughly investigated? I'm not looking to charge people with crimes, but it is a promise to really thoroughly address these, which just hasn't hasn't been done. I think knowing that people will be held accountable in corruption type of cases, that that can really have an impact on people's behavior when they know there's going to be accountability and investigations.

Mimi Rocah [00:28:51]: Also, I will say, I mean, I've already talked to and heard from several police chiefs around the county who are looking on their own to start doing things that I am very excited to encourage and partner with them. They're already setting up, Zoom kind of trainings with, for example, police officers who are members of what's called the Guardians, which is a group here of mostly blacks in law enforcement, retired and current. And just talking with them and getting advice on how to set up better trainings. And they're already instituting those and some of them reached out to me about that. And that may not be something the DA's office normally does, but it is [39.6s] absolutely something we can partner, because I do believe that a big part of the reform has to be working with the police officers, police chiefs, police departments that are acknowledging that there is a need for change.

Jill Wine-Banks [00:29:45]: Mimi, I have one other question, which is, in addition to the reforms that are needed because of George Floyd and the Black Lives Matter movement. What other issues do you see cropping up as big issues? And for example, I'd also like to point to the #Metoo movement, which was the movement before Black Lives Matter that was getting attention. And is there anything you as D.A. can do in those areas?

Mimi Rocah [00:30:12]: Absolutely. This has been a big part of my platform and I don't want it to disappear. I mean, obviously, we can focus on more than one thing at a time, but we have to, first of all, work on and not just the DA's office. I think this is the criminal justice system as a whole. How we treat victims of crimes, particularly sexual assault, sexual harassment. There's still too much victim shaming and blaming going on. And it makes the experience so much more traumatic for crime victims. But it also impacts what cases get brought and don't get brought. And I've been saying for a long time, the details need to be mine to bring the cases that they believe in, even if they don't think they're going to win. This can't be about which cases we're going to win or lose. It has to be about which victims we believe and we can corroborate. And then even if it's going to be a hard case to to litigate, to bring to trial, we still need to bring it because it. That will encourage more victims to come forward. And similarly with domestic violence, I also really want to work on holding institutions accountable.

Joyce Vance [00:31:15]: So, Mimi, I think we need district attorneys who will be willing to speak truth to power and hold, as you say, institutions accountable. That's obviously something that's been lacking both in the private sector but also in government and with police. That's really the core of many of the problems that we've seen. So I know I speak for all of us when I say that we're really proud of your brave decision to run. It was not a foregone conclusion that you would win. But you have run a really immaculate campaign. And your vision, I think, is emblematic of what we need in our next generation of district attorneys. Thanks for making time to be with us.

Jennifer Bassett [00:31:55]: Before next segment, I just want to take a moment to thank Express VPN for supporting the show. Data privacy is very important for me. And while I had previously thought I was doing a good job with data privacy by using Duck Duck go in incognito mode, I recently found out online activity can still be traced with these precautions. That's why when I'm working from home, I never go online without using Express VPN and regardless of device express VPN keeps me protected from malicious hackers. Express VPN secures your privacy and protects your information. Visit Express VPN.com/feds and you can get an extra three months free and a one year package. So protect your online activity today with a VPN that we trust to secure our privacy. That's Express VPN.com/feds express VPN.Com/feds to learn more.

 

Joyce Vance [00:32:40] One of the biggest questions about the Trump administration after the events of this week is why Bill Barr is still the attorney general. And of course, we all know why he's still there. He's the president's lawyer. He's his Roy Kahn. He is not the people's lawyer. And that's exactly what President Trump wants. So, Barb, why don't you start us off and talk about the firing of Southern District of New York U.S. Attorney Jeffrey Berman?

Barbara McQuade [00:33:05]: Well, it began with a press release from William Barr saying that Jeffrey Berman was stepping down and that President Trump was going to nominate Jay Clayton, who currently serves as the chairman of the FCC, and that in the meantime, the U.S. attorney in New Jersey would be acting as the interim U.S. attorney kind of on the side here. And it already has a pretty busy job. But in addition to leading the U.S. attorney's office for the district of New Jersey, he would also, in his free time, lead the U.S. attorney's office for the Southern District of Michigan. And if anyone knows the rivalry between those offices, that's like saying the Ohio State football coach is going to fill in for a little while and also coach the Michigan football team. There's rivalry and it's a really big job. So that on its face, I thought was just absurd. But then just a short time later, we get a press release from Jeffrey Berman that says, no, I didn't. I didn't resign. I didn't step down. It is highly unusual, Joyce. And I think it just exposed Bill Barr as a bully and a liar. I mean, I think he sent out that press release expecting that Jeffrey Berman would just kind of go along and say, well, yeah, that's what happened and then resign and toe the line. But he didn't. The next day, he issued a letter clearly intended for the public, but he said, you know, I'm sorry, you chose to proceed by public spectacle instead of public service, Mr. Berman. But nonetheless, he said, I recommended to President Trump that he fire you and he has done so. Later in the day, when President Trump was asked in Tulsa about the firing of Jeffrey Berman, he said, I don't think about it. That's all william Barr, you'll have to ask him about it. So perhaps even yet another lie. And then the U.S. attorney in New Jersey, Craig Carpinato, said, When I agreed to serve as U.S. attorney in the Internet to help out in the Southern District of New York, in my free time, I thought that Jeffrey Berman had resigned. That's what was represented to me. I didn't know that he was being pushed out like this. So it looks like Barr completed at least two lies, if not three lies. And so I think by standing up to William Barr, Jeffrey Berman was able to force him to put in place, not Craig Carpet Ito, the New Jersey U.S. attorney, but instead the traditional acting in the place of a U.S. attorney in between presidentially appointed U.S. attorneys. And that is that his deputy named Audrey Strauss, who by all accounts is an independent and professional career prosecutor who will do a good job here. I don't think they're out of the woods yet because William Barr continues to be her boss and have some authority. But at the very least, they don't have a puppet they can control in that office. They've got, I think, a strong and independent U.S. attorney who will do what's right by her cases.

Jill Wine-Banks [00:35:34]: I think, to summarize, I had whiplash between all the lies going back and forth. Yes. He resigned. No, I didn't. The President fired him. No, I didn't. Aside from that whiplash we saw for the first time, some real incompetence in how this was handled. And by that, I mean, you can't expect to get away all the time with a public statement that is a lie when you're dealing with intelligent, strong people. And he got caught in the lie both by Berman himself, by the U.S. attorney in New Jersey and by the President. And that's one of the first times that I've seen him doing things. Now, remember, you said it started with the letter thing--that Berman had resigned. Actually, this all started with your admission memo that we embar wrote to get the job as attorney general. And it continued with his false statements when he announced that the Mueller report had concluded that there was no collusion and no obstruction. Hours before it was released. And we could see that that is not what the Mueller report said. So there's a whole history of his lying to the public and creating what is a false narrative. But he knows, as we all do, that first impressions are hard to change. And so a lot of times you prevail when you do that. And this is one of those times when he got away with it. The same thing is true at Lafayette Square, where he is in command of the federal troops and was part of the gassing of peaceful protesters.

Joyce Vance [00:37:02]: This attorney general has a rap sheet of offenses against the public that's about a mile long, starting at the very beginning, as you say Jill. Maya, you you came out of the Southern District of New York. Help us understand why it's particularly important in the Southern District, this situation where the attorney general is trying to influence who runs the office.

Maya Wiley [00:37:25]: What people I think, need to understand about Bill Barr is that he absolutely should be impeached. And he's probably the most dangerous man in America right now because he's more than a defense attorney for Donald Trump at this point. Part of what's so important to me is being a defense attorney in the case of the Southern District, because what has jokingly, as you all know, and in U.S. attorney circles, called the sovereign district of New York because it has had both is the largest U.S. attorney's office and you have attorney's office that frankly brings a lot of very big criminal cases, some very important civil fraud cases. And it has often had the privilege of even additional independence from the Department of Justice. Even then, some other very, very smart, strong, critically important U.S. attorneys offices. And in this particular instance, when Donald Trump's personal business transactions may be under scrutiny and certainly his, you know, people with whom he has had very close business dealings are under criminal investigation with clear questions about whether those roads lead back to Donald Trump. Obviously, there is a lot of concern that part of what Bill Barr was doing here and certainly appears to have been doing here was trying to interfere directly in investigations, either because they were friends of Donald Trump or because it would get too close to potential crimes. Donald Trump and the Trump Organization have committed to Jill's point. The President has given Barr kind of unprecedented power in an attorney general in having him have security clearance, decision making that we have not seen a president delegates so universally to an attorney general on national security and also in Lafayette Park with now Black Lives Matter Park as Muriel Bowser would say. But that is not a traditional role for an attorney general to go kind of survey the clearance of a demonstration site. This is him not just being a defense attorney. This is him being his right arm. Too hard arm the public in a way that is giving the president more power than a president should have in a constitutional democracy.

Joyce Vance [00:39:42]: Trump loves to talk about his unrivaled, limitless Article two powers as president. I don't see anything in the Constitution that gives the attorney general unlimited power. But Barr seems to have taken on that mantle and be acting in that role. And as if what we saw Friday night wasn't bad enough, the firing of Berman. We then this week saw this incredible spectacle of two current sitting assistant United States attorneys testifying before the House Judiciary Committee, talking about the attorney general's exertion of influence over criminal cases. What do you make of that situation?

Barbara McQuade [00:40:21]: I thought it was really remarkable. One is, before you can testify, you have to get your testimony cleared by the Justice Department. And so I thought it was remarkable that he was permitted to testify. But, Joyce, if you've made this point, which is ordinarily deliberative, processes are privileged and typically do not get exposed publicly like that. But there's an exception when you're discussing misconduct. And so that was done in this case. But just to focus on the testimony of Aaron Zielinski for a minute, he is a an assistant U.S. attorney who is assigned to the Roger Stone prosecution. And he testified about how his supervisors told him he needed to water down the factual basis in a sentencing memo. He need to obscure the facts that contributed to the sentencing guidelines, calculation about what his advisory sentence ought to be. They use the word distort and that his supervisor said this is not the hill you want to die on. You could be fired for this. And so there was pushback. The reason he was told that Roger Stone was getting this preferential treatment was because of his close relationship with President Trump. The justice manual that we all used as our Bible, so to speak, says that a prosecutor should not make decisions based on a person's political associations, activities or beliefs. This is one of the most fundamental principles of the Department of Justice. And it was Timothy Shea, that acting U.S. attorney who alone filed the bonafide sentencing memo after they had filed their own asking for a sentence of between seven and nine years. And to me, that is the greatest sin that an attorney general can commit using the office that is supposed to be independent and based on evidence, in fact, to skew the outcome for the president's ally. And if you can help the president's allies, that means you can also harm the president's enemies. And that is not how the justice system is supposed to work.

Joyce Vance [00:42:15]: You're always so fair minded and careful in your assessments and hearing you use such strong, condemnatory language. I think at least makes me sit back and take notice, because what you're describing is really a total abrogation of the rule of law.

Barbara McQuade [00:42:30]: Yes. I mean, that that's the idea of the rule of law, is that no person is above the law. One of the other witnesses was a former deputy attorney general, Don Ayer. What he said is that I think this is the greatest threat to the rule of law. I've seen in my lifetime and this is someone to live through Watergate. It's to me beyond disturbing. It's shocking. No one should put up with this. It's impeachable. And I think we should put enough public pressure on William Barr to force him to resign. It is so much worse than what Alberto Gonzalez resigned over in 2007. And I think we need to speak out about it as much as we can to try to put that public pressure on him to resign, because I don't know that we're going to get the House to act on impeachment in this short timeframe.

Joyce Vance [00:43:12]: Aman.

Jill Wine-Banks [00:43:13]: This is so much worse than Watergate. And remember, the result of Watergate was that the attorney general went to jail. So that clearly, in my view, bar is impeachable despite trouble and probably jailable. I think his conduct has been unbelievably hideous and completely destroying the rule of law. I think that impeachment is definitely the right way to go. And it could prevent a an October surprise with Durham and the fact that Barr has been personally involved in investigations, which is not the role of the attorney general, and that they're threatening that something's going to happen, they're going to release it just in the nick of time is really an abuse of power. It goes back to the Nixon era enemies list where they went after people and used the IRS to start doing tax investigations of people. You can't use the Department of Justice for political reasons. So I think Barr has definitely overstepped. Anything that is possible and that we need to make this end. [65.4s]

Maya Wiley [00:44:18]: Let's remember that while Donald Trump is throwing out little trial balloon bombs about whether or not there's an effort from Democrats steal elections, that it's Bill Barr who will be his right hand as he starts to try to build that case more as we head into November. And he undermines, you know, the ability of people to vote and vote safely.

Joyce Vance [00:44:40]: So that's a great segue way into our next topic, which is the COVID19 pandemic and the impact it may have on voting in November. It's a perfect storm for voter suppression. And this week, we had primary elections in jurisdictions across the country. In Kentucky, there was one super polling place in Louisville. In 2019, there were 227 polling locations in Jefferson County, which is where Louisville is. In June of 2020, only one polling place in a majority black area where people were at a higher risk for COVID. Now the situation in Kentucky is not clear because we had a Democratic governor working hand in hand with a Republican secretary of state to deal with problems that they said were brought on by the pandemic. But that said, what do y'all think? Are we going to be ready even with the HAVA funding for the states that Congress has put forward in COVID bills? Will we be ready to hold safe and secure national elections in November?

Barbara McQuade [00:45:42]: I think the challenge with that choice is that, you know, as you know, it's not just one election, it's 50 separate elections, actually additional when you consider all the territories and other places. I think some states will be really on the ball. You know, in Michigan, for example, our secretary of state has been sending out absentee ballot applications to everybody so that they can get a good handle on who's going to be mailing in and who's going be showing up at the polls. But as we've seen in some of these primary elections, where there've been incredibly long lines, I know Wisconsin was one. I think New York just had this the other day where people were waiting in line for three hours, standing in line for a long time to vote is onerous enough. And I think discourages people who don't have the ability to stand in line for three hours because they have young children at home or they have multiple jobs and they just don't have the time to do that. But then you throw cold it on top of that, where people are reluctant to be in close proximity to others in November, it's cold. So some of that waiting may occur inside. And I think what you see is voter suppression in many places because of a lack of of the right number of polling places. I think, you know, the Brennan Center has done a lot of good work on holding elections and best practices. You can't do it all by mail or absentee or early. There will be some people who, because of disabilities or language challenges, need to physically show up at the polling place on Election Day. So you have to make sure you have enough polling places to accommodate that group. But the way you do that is you encourage everybody else who can to vote early or to vote by mail. I'm concerned that some states will do just fine. But I have to believe that there may be a state that is problematic. And if we see just one state where there's a problem. Recall Florida in 2000, we could run into a very significant issue, as we did with Bush versus Gore.

Jill Wine-Banks [00:47:28]: I think Kentucky does show us something, which is they did convert to early voting and to mail in ballots and they are predicted to now have the highest voter turnout that they've ever had in a primary because of the mail in ballots. And I think the only thing that's going to prevent that is goes back to Barr and voter suppression and Trump and voter suppression. They are putting out this false narrative of fraud is more possible with mail in ballots, which as Barb just said, is absolutely not true. And I think that we need to make sure that states have the proper funding to be able to convert to mail in ballots and be authorized to do the things that are necessary. And they have to do it now. We're not that far off from the election. I can remember the days when public protest actually had an impact. And I think public protest is once again having an impact. I think that that could bring about the states properly setting up for mail in ballots and long term early voting.

Joyce Vance [00:48:37]: So, Jill, I want to pick up on what you've said there, because you've talked about public protest. There are lawsuits that have been filed across the country to try and protect voter rights. Of course, the 5th Circuit has held that in Texas, at least fear of getting COVID that at the polls is no reason to justify being able to vote remotely to vote by mail. There is litigation pending in Alabama and other states. Are you saying that you don't have confidence in going to the courts to get relief and think it will be up to citizens to protest?

Jill Wine-Banks [00:49:10]: Well, I think, first of all, for example, any state that has challenged anybody saying I don't want to come out because I've COVID all states should have what Kentucky had, which is no excuse absentee ballots. That's what Illinois has. You don't have to give a reason anymore. It used to be you had to apply and say, I will be out of town or whatever your excuse was that required that you vote by absentee ballot. Now, there are no excuse ballots available. And I would, first of all, have a big public effort to get people to all apply in states where you can apply. I would have an even bigger effort to try to get the secretaries of state to actually send out applications routinely or even to send out ballots to convert to all mail in voting. And I just think that we forget how much politicians respond to public pressure. My experience during Watergate was the president was very successfully stonewalling. He was not turning over the tapes that we had subpoenaed and he was getting away with it. And then he went a step too far and he fired the special prosecutor, Archibald Cox. And to do that, he had to fire his attorney general and his deputy attorney general because they wouldn't carry out his order to fire Cox. And he sort of thought he was gonna get away with it until the bags of mail. So there were these huge canvas sacks that were inundating our office and the White House and people were protesting in the streets. And it took only three days of that. And the president reversed himself and said, OK, I'll appoint a new special prosecutor and I'll turn over the tapes. So, there can be an effect. Politicians want to win elections. They go along with what the public demands. So if the public demands police reform and if the public demands mail in ballots, we're more likely to get it.

Joyce Vance [00:51:01]: So, Maya, you've lived through the pandemic in New York City. You know what the election issues look like. Both the ones that involves competence in running the polls as well as efforts at direct voter suppression. How do you see COVID impacting the elections in November?

Maya Wiley [00:51:17]: Here's the thing. At one, health experts already have told us that the 400 I think it was 400 million that Congress added to emergency relief to help state address save voting was not a sufficient amount of money. No excuse mail in voting, but you have to apply. And for far too many people who are maybe low-Income voters, who are also traditional Democratic voters, like Black voters, often do not vote by mail where they have the option. These are issues that really are not being sufficiently funded by the federal government in states that are actually demanding five hundred billion dollars just to help them stay afloat because of cozied. You know, this is something that Donald Trump, we know, absolutely does not want to see happen. And that really strains states ability then to spend money on things like making sure everyone can get out to vote. And the other thing we should not forget in New York was a good example of this, where it was just disastrous for a lot of people because poll workers had not necessarily been trained. That's a concern. That has nothing to do with intentional suppression. It has to do with sufficient funding and support for execution. The last thing I just want to. We haven't really talked about is remember that factually electorates that decide who the president is? Well, in the case of kov it, imagine this. We have 24 of 30 states with Republican legislators leading the legislatures. And that's a control of 22r electoral votes. And with the 12th Amendment says is that if you can't call a winner and we're not going to have a winner in November because of mail in balloting, everyone should realize that now. But because of the 12th Amendment, it's the House that decide who's the president. And so that if there's no majority of electors, if there's not a sufficient man to call it. No, that it's going to put us in this place we've never been before where essentially states are going to pick the president. And so I'm not saying that's absolutely what's going to happen, but this is a turnout election. This is fundamentally about how many voters actually vote. And those votes getting counted and then being accurate and fair.

Jill Wine-Banks [00:53:39]: We polled our listeners to get a question for our five words or fewer segment and there were some great questions. We could have done an entire podcast with them. But our question today comes from Buddy,@Budds442Bud on Twitter, who asks, Should Speaker Pelosi impeach A.G. Barr regardless of the Senate Republicans? Five words or fewer ladies. What do you got?

Maya Wiley [00:54:02]: Heck, yeah.

Joyce Vance [00:54:04]: So Maya in two.

Jill Wine-Banks [00:54:06]: Yes, it's deserved and it's a permanent record for him.

Joyce Vance [00:54:10]: Jill, that's more than five.

Jill Wine-Banks [00:54:12]: OK. Yes, deserved permanent record.

Joyce Vance [00:54:16]: Barb?

Barbara McQuade [00:54:17]: Yes. Corruption must be exposed.

Joyce Vance [00:54:20]: And I would add do the right thing.

Harry Litman [00:54:27]: Thanks so much to Joyce, Jill, Maya, Barb and to D.A. Rocah for the first ever and much overdue sisters in law. We'll hope for a reprise on a future episode of talking feds. And thank you very much, listeners, for tuning in. I'll see you Friday with our special Supreme Court episode featuring legendary constitutional law scholar Larry Tribe. If you like what you've heard, please tell a friend to subscribe to us on Apple podcast or wherever they get their podcasts. And please take a moment to rate and review this podcast. You can follow us on Twitter @Talking fedspod to find out about future episodes and other fads related content. You can also check us out on the Web at Talking Fed's.com, where we have full episode transcripts. Or on Patreon where we post discussions about special topics exclusively for supporters to thank them for paying five dollars a month to help us pay for the podcast. Submit your questions to questions@ Talking Fed.com. Whether it's for five words or fewer or general questions about the inner workings of the legal system for our sidebar segments. Thanks very much to everyone who responded to Joyce's call to submit questions this week. Please keep those questions coming any time and we will endeavor to answer them. Thanks for tuning in. And don't worry, as long as you need answers, the feds will keep talking. Talking Feds is produced by Jennifer Bassett and Rebecca Lopatin. Our editor is Justin Wright. David Lieberman and Rosie Don Griffin are contributing writers. Andrea Carla Michaels is our consulting producer. Production assistance by Sam Trachtenberg and Ayo Osobamrro, thanks very much to the newly elected district attorney, Mimi Rocah for joining our sidebar segment. Our gratitude, as always, to the amazing Philip Glass, who graciously lets us use his music. Talking Feds is a production of DeLedo LLC. I'm Harry Litman.

 

Pride and Prejudice and the Room Where it Happened

Harry Litman [00:00:23]: Hi, everyone. Harry here. Two quick notes before we start. First, as for the extraordinary chain of events involving Attorney General Barr and the Southern District of New York, where investigations concerning President Trump are continuing. That's the down the middle kind of developments that call for a Talking Geds now. And we put that out Saturday, the same day as the events, and that's still up there. You can go to Talking Feds and here, Barb McQuade, Andrew Weissman, Matt Miller and I all give our quick but thorough takes on that important breaking news. Second, so I've been checking out more podcasts lately and one that leaves me green with envy. I mean, one that I always enjoy listening to is the Al Franken podcast, which already is hugely popular and you probably don't need me to tell you. Al was, of course, on the show last week and it was a great one. The thing is that being Al Franken, he's able to secure any guest he likes and he opts for super smart and knowledgeable people who are tops in their fields and interesting fields, not necessarily politics like George Packer or Paul Krugman or Austan Goolsbee. So it's like listening to really smart friends talk over interesting and important topics. Plus, being Al Franken, it's often funny. So you should check it out and then come back to Talking Feds. OK, here's our show.

Harry Litman [00:02:06]: Welcome to Talking Feds, a roundtable that brings together prominent former federal officials and special guests for a dynamic discussion of the most important legal and political topics of the day. I'm Harry Litman. The virus and the demonstrations took a backseat this week to other events in Washington, D.C.. First, the Supreme Court handed the administration stinging defeats in a pair of blockbuster opinions authored by conservative justices that surprised and delighted progressives. Second, the public finally got a much delayed look at former national security adviser John Bolton's book. And it was every bit as scandalous as anticipated, portraying President Trump as stunningly uninformed, deeply inept, comically indecisive, roundly loathed by advisers and dedicated to obstruction of justice, in Bolton's words, as a way of life. The White House ran to court to try to put the genie back in the bottle and deprive Bolton of any profits. Bolton himself came in for a share of criticism for having played a cute and not come forward with the information during impeachment when the country was hungry for it. Trump took it on the chin from other quarters, including former national security government officials, and his poll numbers seemed in freefall, especially in toss up states. He looked to begin to reverse that with a big rally in Tulsa for which supporters had to agree to not sue if they contracted the virus and where Trump threatened demonstrators, whom he called looters or low lives, that they wouldn't be treated gently as they had in Minneapolis. After the celebration of Juneteenth last Friday, the focus of reformers turned to federal, state and local government efforts at concrete reform, including competing bills from House Democrats and Senate Republicans. And, of course, the virus continued its strong hold on the country, with numbers surging in 22 states. 800 Americans dying every day and the country on pace for 200 deaths by October.

Harry Litman [00:04:12]: And yet a growing slice of the country increasingly cavalier about it. And Vice President Pence announcing that the reports of a coming second wave were just media scare mongering. So it was a very eventful week in law, policy and politics. And to break it down, we have a fantastic panel. Consisting of first, Juliette Kayyem, whom we're lucky to call a regular on talking feds. She is the senior Belfour lecturer in international security at Harvard's Kennedy School and a national security analyst at CNN. She served as President Obama's assistant secretary for intergovernmental affairs at the Department of Homeland Security. Welcome back, Juliette.

Juliette Kayyem [00:04:55]: Thanks for having me.

Harry Litman [00:04:56]: Next, Laura Jarrett. Laura, as most all of you know, is co-anchor of Early Start on CNN and before that for four years was a correspondent covering DOJ and all manner of legal and political issues, including really the biggest developments in recent years. Before joining CNN, Laura was a lawyer in private practice in Chicago. Laura, thanks for being here.

Laura Jarrett [00:05:21]: So excited to join here.

Harry Litman [00:05:23]: Finally, Peter Baker, The New York Times chief White House correspondent and a political analyst for MSNBC. Before he joined the Times, Peter spent 20 years at The Washington Post, including a four year stint as the Post's Moscow bureau chief. He's authored five books on presidential politics, impeachment and Russia. And he is soon to come out in a couple months with The Man Who Ran Washington, co-written with Susan Glasser, about the ultimate D.C. power broker, James Baker, who called the shots and choreographed the deals for 25 years. Peter, thanks very much for being here. And can we just ask for a word about what drew you to Baker as your next subject?

Peter Baker [00:06:06]: Well, thanks for having me. I really appreciate. It's great to be with you. Great to be with such a terrific panel. Baker was a fascinating figure in his time, I think even more fascinating now in Trump's time. We had decided his book before Trump even showed up on the scene back in 2013 because Baker represented, I think, a different way of Washington prior to all this polarization to a figure who could be both highly partisan during election years, just ask, you know, Michael Dukakis.

Harry Litman [00:06:33]: Bush v. Gore, among others, right?

Peter Baker [00:06:35]: Exactly. And yet then when things when the election was over, you would turn around and negotiate deals with Democrats to save Social Security or end the Contra War. And he he was one of those rare figures who had his hands in almost every major thing that happened in Washington for a generation. And then I think his stories only become more interesting with the advent of Trump, because Trump is so much the anti-Baker and the story of how Trump has sort of taken over the Republican Party and changed it from the the Baker-Bush model is a story of our times in some ways.

Laura Jarrett [00:07:04]: I was lucky enough to get an advance copy here, and I can attest it's a really great study of insider politics and as well as sort of a very smooth and engrossing read. Coming out, again, in September. All right. Let's just jump in with the big decisions from the Supreme Court. So what happened? We've come to see the confirmation of Kavanaugh and Gorsuch as cementing a monolithically conservative court. And yet they dealt Trump two surprises this week. What do you account for, for these results?

Juliette Kayyem [00:07:40]: Well, I can start with the dreamers just because that came out of my department. I always am wary of thinking that we're gonna be thrilled by a Supreme Court for longer than a week. There's good cases, depending on your politics, and bad cases. We have an abortion case coming up. I don't know if progressives are gonna be thrilled about the Court next week. But I do think something is important about the Dreamers case and DACA case that really is about less about law than I think about sort of good government. Technically, it's a sort of uninteresting case until the last three pages. It's not a romantic opinion. It's not about their contributions to society. It is just technically: what is an agency? In particular, an agency with broad powers within the homeland as compared to, say, the Department of Defense. What is its obligation of sort of due diligence before it makes such a decision? And so it ultimately ended up in basic administrative law land about it was arbitrary and capricious for Elaine Duke, who is the acting secretary at the time, to essentially in a three paragraph memo, impact the lives of close to six hundred or eight hundred thousand dreamers, and that any attempt by that later Secretary Nielson to remedy that through a lot of sort of post hoc justifications were simply intolerable at that stage because the damage had already been done. So, if you're going to have horrible policies, you have to enact them less horribly. And this was sort of the same reasoning that we got from the Court out of the census case where they left open the possibility that the Trump administration would act horribly from a policy perspective, at least in my mind, but said he got gotta let us write an opinion that passes the straight face test. And in neither case did they.

Harry Litman [00:09:19]: Yeah, I thought it was really interesting. Well, as you say, it was a very picayune basis for the holding, but there was a little bit of a stirring glimmer from the Chief Justice. We had had this maxim that everybody learns in law school about how you have to turn square corners with the government from a famous case where someone didn't exactly file his taxes right. But here, Roberts says, when so much is at stake, the government's got to turn square corners with the people. So there was, you know, at least a sense of the gravity of it. And you're right, they didn't talk about the success of the Dreamers. On the other hand, it's been a phenomenally successful program and I felt a lot of the coverage. We saw the Dreamers walking down the Supreme Court stairs after the argument, and it was stirring. You felt proud in a way that's been very rare in the last few years. Like, 'yeah, this country values matter and it gets it done.' Laura, you are a lawyer. One way of looking at his, just as Juliette says, these were just such crappy arguments by Trump and the administration, court just couldn't get there. Was that sort of your view as opposed to any kind of grander relocation of the very conservative court?

Laura Jarrett [00:10:33]: Yeah, I think one of the more interesting ways to look at both the decision on DACA and the one on Title VII for workplace protections for the LGBT community is that both decisions affect real people's lives in the most basic sense. Right? The the right to work, the right to live, to be able to to live free without the fear of deportation. And yet both of the majority opinions arguably employ what a friend of mine, professor at the University of Chicago, Daniel Hemel, calls moral minimalism. Right. So these are these are not sweeping Anthony Kennedy-esque opinions. The one from Gorsuch on Title VII in particular. He acknowledges, I think, the moves that he's making there and to use a textualist argument to support a position that, of course, LGBT advocates are going to be happy with the ultimate outcome. But the way he gets there, the formalism that he employs, it doesn't seem to fully acknowledge the core harm that's done when people are discriminated on the basis of their sexual orientation. It's amazing to have decisions that obviously people can breathe a sigh of relief. Over 700000 dreamers are not going to be deported in the near term. And that people are going to be protected in the workplace--are not going to be fired just because of who they love. But it's just an incredible way to think about how the law is used for real people's lives. And just interesting. This gets reduced as all things in Washington is like a way that the Roberts court tries to slap down Trump. And Roberts somehow has his finger on the pulse of America. And he decides when the administration has gone too far. But Roberts is also the one who signs on to the travel ban opinion. To sort of stake all your hopes on Roberts and these things, I think is a risky gamble. [111.4s]

Peter Baker [00:12:25]: I think that one thing I would add to what you were saying and what Laura was saying about Roberts, I think the thing that really is interesting about him is not that he's suddenly drifting to the left, as many people on the right might fear. They don't think he's forward as they would like him to be. He's still a conservative, but I think he is, in fact, an establishment conservative who wants things done right. And he saw this preview of this with that Census case. You remember when the administration tried to add a line to add a question on the census about citizenship. And it was Roberts who struck them down, not because he said they didn't have the power to do it. Because he didn't do it the right way, because he said that they weren't being honest with him about the reason that they were doing it. He was offended. It looked like from his opinion back then that they were sort of lying to him, in effect, about the real motivation of what they were doing. And I think you sort of see the same impatience on his part with the DACA decision this week, a litlle different maybe on the LGBT decision, but on the DACA one, he seemed to be saying, you guys have to play fair. You're not doing it. You have to get right. You want to back to me. Then we can talk about it again.

Harry Litman [00:13:24]: Yeah. And by the way, they won't have time to come back home unless Trump wins reelection it's effectively settled. So I totally agree that he's a square shooter. I totally, totally agree with both Juliette and Laura's injunction. You know, don't get too sanguine too quickly. I do think Roberts--everything you say is right, but also take seriously his view as the chief. I could have imagined, for example, that if he were just an associate justice, maybe that case comes out five, four, if he's just thinking about his own views. But but when the court speaks six to three and a polarized setting, it just has a little bit more for miss, a little bit less of a politicized overlay. And I think in some instances, he takes his his role as chief justice seriously that way. All right. A few bits on on Bostock, which came out Monday. So this is a Title VII case, actually, Laura Title VII. How big important a statute is it?

Laura Jarrett [00:14:26]: It's everything. It is the core fundamental civil rights law for I think many scholars would say in the United States. It's interesting again to me that this is the move that gets it done, right? It's an argument that I had seen time and again clerking on the 7th Circuit, but it hadn't really got any traction until not too long ago. And the idea--.

Harry Litman [00:14:49]: Which argument exactly?

Laura Jarrett [00:14:51]: The basic argument is that obviously sexual orientation is not one of the enumerated protected classes in Title VII. Right? So it says you can't discriminate on the basis of sex. And so the idea is, if a man is told he's not gonna be hired or he's going to be fired, a gay man is told that that that's a Title VII violation, because if it was a woman, he wouldn't be fired. So it's sort of an argument the advocates have been making for a long time. They thought it was elegant and sort of had a natural appeal. And it turns out with Gorsuch, it worked. And he had sort of signaled this even before he was confirmed that this is the way he might vote on this. But again, I just there's some question there about what it means for people who identify as bisexual. I think that there are some repercussions that the dissenters pointed out that certainly judicial conservatives will attach to what this means for bathrooms, cultural issues that people find alarming. So we'll see how it plays out in litigation on the ground, in the lower courts where this is going to come up regularly. But there's no question this is the fundamental civil rights law in our country that now has a radically different meaning.

Harry Litman [00:16:02]: I'll take it another step, at least from Gorsuch's view. I mean, I agree that there's a sort of bloodless Nissan and technocrat aspect to the methodology, but the conclusion is as sweeping and tub thumping as can be. It's that always, I'm an originalist. And what I mean by that is in 1964, it already banned that discrimination. But the legislators didn't realize it. The courts, Alito in dissent, talks about 30 decisions. So it really is a kind of a of a blueprint for the incorporation of social progress and ideas and kind of moral advances in the words of an individual statute. So that's like consistent technically with originalism but it's sort of not what we think of as originalism, right? I mean, it really is updating it morally to keep pace with with social advances.

Peter Baker [00:16:59]: One of the things I'll be interested to watch is how the president talks about this at Tulsa. He basically let the LGBT ruling go without much comment, partly because I think Neil Gorsuch, his appointee, was the writer of it and therefore attacking it would be a little problematic for him. He went full throated against the DACA opinion and then against the court generally in that regard. And it may be interesting to watch him pivot because one of the arguments he's had with his base has been, I am your guy for getting the courts back on our side. I have put in nearly two hundred appointees, including these two great Supreme Court justices. And he's going to now end up having to either find a way to pivot in making that argument or explain basically how one of his Supreme Court justices went so wrong on an opinion that might be very important to a lot of his supporters on the right.

Harry Litman [00:17:47]: Yeah, and his lawyerly response to it, of course, was do you get the impression that the Supreme Court just like me? It's all about him. All right. Well, fifteen opinions yet to come. The abortion one is Juliette says, obviously the huge Trump cases themselves. So, you know, everything's been topsy turvy this whole year, but the Supreme Court late June still coming in with the big opinions and the next couple weeks will show quite a bit. All right. So, John Bolton, The Room Where it Happened, his 17 turbulent months with the president, so many kind of lurid details. Let's let's start with a kind of larger bird's eye view. Peter, you've written a lot about this. What do you think mattered more? Both for the current climate, but also just history, that reaffirmation of all the Ukraine story, that was the basis of impeachment or all the other stuff, China and Turkey and the insider White House stuff. Which is the more important or damning?

 Peter Baker [00:18:52]: Well, I would go with a bigger picture. I think what he does in effect with this book is put the Ukraine chapter into a larger context. The a larger context is a president who doesn't see the lines, who doesn't see the borders and the boundaries other presidents have seen. Whether they're legal or simply traditional or moral or ethical or whatever phrase you want to use, other presidents have refrained from doing a lot of the things that this president has done. We've seen that time and time again with John Boehner is doing this book is saying, hey, from the inside, what I saw was Ukraine was just a part of the whole pattern here of obstruction of justice as a way of life. And he's saying that the president uses his office to his own personal political benefit, even at the expense of the nation's interests, which is a heck of a charge. Now, remember who John Bolton is. This is not some screaming liberal. This is not some never Trump or Republican who's drifting to the left. There's a hard core, hard line hawkish Republican conservative who has not changed his ideological stripes. Not changed his mind about politics, but finds Donald Trump to be wanting from the right, not just from the left. And I think that that's a really interesting moment. I know a lot of you aren't going to like him. He to many people as a flawed messenger. He's obviously vilified by the left for not coming forward during impeachment. He's vilified by the Trump Right right now for being a traitor, to use the word of the secretary of state. But what's more shocking to me is, is I wasn't sure if John Bolton I am and what he's telling us about our president. [86.1s]

Laura Jarrett [00:20:19]: But Peter, was there anything in that book and I have not read it, but is there anything based on your reporting that you found surprising? And I mean that in the sense of is there anything that is inconsistent with all of the other reporting about this president over the past three and a half years? And maybe it's an it maybe it's a sign of the times and and something that we should actually find disturbing, that all of the things that Bolton says about what the president allegedly said about the concentration camps, housing the weiger Muslims and some of his other claims and even the claim that he pressured Xi, pleaded with him to help in the 2020 election. That under any other presidency would be like huge breaking news, huge banners. I mean, we would be going crazy with that. It barely registers, at least in my estimation right now. And maybe it's because there's too much going on, but maybe it's because we've become sort of habituated to some of these things. And so I I just wondered, was anyone really shocked? I mean, we call this like a bombshell book. Was it was there anything in there? I think that was that was surprising or inconsistent that many of the other reporting that has already been out there. And the other thing that just is so striking to me is that he was there for 17 months. He was there for 17 months. And yet he's so troubled now that the man is not equipped to lead the office. What was he doing for all of those months? I understand that he says he was thinking about leaving. He was thinking about resigning. And we obviously have to report on the things that he says because these are the facts that have happened and this is the only person who's really had that level of access to reveal what was going on behind the scenes. But I think that there have to be questions fairly about a person's credability who stays in that job for 17 months and now says he thinks that he is not fit to be the president.

Peter Baker [00:22:09]: Yeah, I think you raise a good point, a very good question. And I think in some ways you answer the question, too. Is it inconsistent with our understanding of who this president is? No. We knew he was not a particularly astute history student, for instance. And in this book, John Bolton tells us he didn't know that Britain is a nuclear power. He didn't know whether or not Finland was part of Russia or not. Did we know, was it a surprise that the president says the journalist should be executed? Well, it should be a surprise. I mean, I think yes, you're right. In some ways, it's not a shock, and yet it should be anyway. It's not surprising, but it still should be shocking. We should still find the energy in our lives to look at some of the things that we're being told here and say, holy moly, that's just not something we hear from a president or see a president do. And just because we've seen a lot of it the last four years shouldn't diminish the importance of what he's telling us. And to your point about him, I think it's interesting. [00:23:03]This is a question that goes to a lot of the people who have worked for President Trump. They go in there and I think that many of them anyway, convinced themselves that they can make it better. They don't, I don't think anyone is fooled at this point about what's going like. They know he's erratic. They know he's impulsive. They know he's going to tweet out things that are going to make things go nuts. And they know that at some point or another they'll probably be fired because that's the end result for almost everybody except for members of his family. And so they convince themselves, I can do things that will make it better. The difference, I think, between him and, say, some of the early figures like McMaster and Mattis and Tillerson, I think those guys felt like they were trying to keep the whole thing from coming off the rails. They saw themselves as guardians of of the system to some extent. Bolton I think is different. I think he went in because he has a strong philosophical or ideological set of beliefs and he wanted to achieve some things that he thought he could get done even while he knew the president was going to do other things that he didn't like.

Laura Jarrett [00:23:57]: Yeah, it's just like Bill Barr.

Peter Baker [00:23:58]: A little bit like Bill Barr. Right. And in this case, he you want to get out of the IMF treaty. He wanted to get out of the Iran accord. He wanted. He's a he's a fierce opponent of internationalism and international accords. And so he got us out of, like a half dozen treaties or something during his time. So while he paid a price, you could argue or he turned a blind eye to things he shouldn't or whatever. If you want to look at it from his point of view, he got some things done. And he also, in his view, kept things from getting worse with what he saw as foolish diplomacy with North Korea and Iran and so forth. But you're right, it's not like he could have fooled himself into thinking that present Trump was somehow different and woke up one morning and say, holy moly. Who knew that this is what it was like?

Juliette Kayyem [00:24:34]: They just all sounds so horrible. I just have to say. Have you been certain in government for a chunk of my career, people are competitive. And also, is it just in each book just makes that group of people. There's no not mission oriented. Now, I blame the president for that. Whose reason for being president wasn't based on any ideology, it was just based on ego and any ability to do it and doesn't have any strong feelings about much except for what's going to help him win and how he perceives a win is. But yeah, I've read excerpts and just thought like my stomach, like anybody's who's been in a bad workplace, your stomach sort of is queasy. But I want to pick up on the sort of shock factor. [00:25:12]One of these I just want folks to remember is that there's no reason to believe that Trump has changed since the time that Bolton left. And I I've raised this throughout the COVID. But if Trump is that desperate for Xi's attention, for for the desire to not be isolated by him to to get the help of China in terms of supporting our agriculture and things like that, there's no reason to believe any of that has ended whatsoever. The Ukraine was recent China's recent seven. And so just leading into these last months of what could be the Trump presidency in the middle of a virus that has been fought with the support and help of China, we now get over I think it's close to 60 percent of our PPE from China now. We just have to have eyes wide open about what may be going on. There are inexplicable aspects of the Cauvin response that I am now very curious about, and not conspiracy theory. But why didn't he invoke the Defense Production Act when almost 60 percent of our GDP is coming from China. There's good questions that need to be answered in real time now because we are losing a thousand people a day, and that's totally fine by some segments of Americans right now. So this is-- one has to believe that none of this is in the past and that this is continuing on a daily basis. And all that Trump has done that's different is he's been successful in getting less ideological, more sycophantic people around him. And so this present national security adviser has no business having that job. His defense of the President's racism, which is not really the national security advisers job and chief of staff, equally so, who is picked for that reason only to. So I think Trump is hiring better, so to speak, right? In the sense that these are just people who are not likely to challenge him on any of this stuff. [108.7s]

Harry Litman [00:27:01]: Although I think his defenders seemed [1.1s] to be winnowing and we'll talk about your letter, but basically the last people standing are Pence who is always kind of been tepid in chilly, and then Pompeo, who is all in. I totally agree. It just screams out for questions to be answered in real time. And I think the prospects for them being answered in real time are close to zero. This goes back to what Peter and Laura were saying, but you read this stuff and if you sort of blink, you know, your head goes 360 degrees. And then you remember that your head went 360 degrees the other way when you learned X, Y, Z. And somehow the almost the Trump phenomenon par excellence is the country's overall shrugging it off the base as being indifferent and others sort of ranting and shaking their fist but to no practical end. So this struck me especially with the eyewitness aspect of it, as when historians pick up this book, as Adam Schiff says they will, they will not be kind to Donald Trump. And yet my best guess, maybe this has to do with the ambivalence toward Bolton, is it really won't have great ripples and be a huge boulder in the but it will just kind of be subsumed in the general. Yeah, we know Trump is fill in the blank. Imperfect? Or like disastrous. But it might it has to do with minds seemingly already made up.

Peter Baker [00:28:27]: You know, it's striking I think we'll see at this rally tomorrow night. But if you're a Trump fan, you have heard this before. And you're right. You've probably discounted it his case. Well, just job Boehner, a disgruntled guy, he's just headed for the two million, which, of course, the people, the left would say as well. Or your center it I think a lot of people say "Look. Yeah, OK. Trump isn't the guy I'd want to have come over and visit with my my mom. But Trump for Thanksgiving dinner or something. But he's getting stuff done."

Harry Litman [00:28:52]: I like the judges before last week.

Peter Baker [00:28:56]: Right now I think I think that they feel like the fighter in him that is the appeal, right? So whether he wins or loses as is less important, is the fact that he's out there willing to do it. And they sort of thrill the fact that he's making the establishment, including the media, get all worked up.

Harry Litman [00:29:09]:  I quite agree. I mean, that that's the corollary of what Juliette said. He wants to win and they want to see him win against people who have had their boots on their necks. But, boy, what a huge topic. And it's just it really is disconcerting that the country is not going to know everything or come to resolution in real time. As you say, it'll be hopefully just hopefully the stuff of history.

Juliette Kayyem [00:29:32]: Yeah. The thing I want to add to that, I think one of the interesting phenomenons about Black Lives Matter. You look at the polling in terms of just the shifts in support for Black Lives Matter, which if you ask me if I had opinion on it before, it might have been. No. No opinions but, what's interesting in the last couple of months, and it may be related to both Trump becoming an increasingly embarrassing figure publicly, but also the nature of race relations and police misconduct is that shame seems to have returned to our lexicon. And I'm loving it. This is true of terrorism as well. That's the field I grew up in. One of the reasons for the rise of white supremacy terrorism in the Trump era is there's a variety of reasons, Facebook and other issues. But it was the failure to shame it in real time by leadership. And I think what you're starting to see is the inability of people to disaggregate the shamefulness of Trump from a race perspective or many perspectives with voting for Trump because of the judges or the economy. This is, of course, most people who follow it know this is, you know, the never Trumpers and the Lincoln Project and all these groups that are formed. But I love it. I think shame is a very important aspect to an agenda that is more representative of America right now. I think we have to understand the Trump voter. We have to get to know the Trump voter. I think we have to minimize the Trump Trump voter from the perspective of someone who's a Democrat. I know people on this phone call are not necessarily as political as I am, but whether it's in white supremacy, terrorism, it's in race relations or it's in just the conduct of a president towards the world, which we've now seen exposed by Bolton. I like an America with a sense of shame. I do think it's I think it's a good movement. [103.9s]

Laura Jarrett [00:31:18]: It's just interesting to think about why now and what that impulse is that has now been sort of exposed in the most robust way. And why not after Charlottesville or any number of times, whether it's shame or guilt or whatever, whatever the word might be? What is it about this time? And I wonder what voters are actually finding so much more shameful about this. Is it the church photo op? Is it just the words and the tone and the throwback to a racist term in terms of when the looting starts, the shooting starts? Is it--what is exactly is being tapped into that people find so offensive that again, wasn't offensive before? What? Why was this the last straw? I find interesting when you talk to voters, a lot of them just seem sort of beaten down and exhausted, frankly. But it's just interesting to think about why this has been the moment for the average white female suburban voter. What is it that has caused them to feel uncomfortable this time?

Harry Litman [00:32:28]: So true. And I would add another word kind of returning to the lexicon. At least I felt this in the DACA case is pride, some sense of what matters in America and what the values are and why trampling them is not what we stand for.

Harry Litman [00:32:43]: For now, it's time for our sidebar function, where we take a moment to explain some of the concepts and relationships that are foundational to events in the news, but aren't typically explained on on other shows. And today we have none other than Frances McDormand here to explain an important news concept. Most everybody knows who she is, which is fortunate because this is her own pithy thumbnail description. To quote, Frances McDormand has a New York driver's license, TSA pre check and over 40 years in the entertainment business. And now she also has the credential of being able to tell us about lawsuits like the one that Robert Mueller brought against Russian actors who we still haven't apprehended, and we doubt we will. But for conduct by foreign nationals on foreign territory.

Frances McDormand [00:33:38]: When can the United States bring criminal charges against foreigners for conduct outside of the country? Generally, U.S. criminal law is limited by territorial jurisdiction. In other words, crimes are generally tried and punished according to the laws where the crime took place. This usually means that federal criminal laws apply only to crimes committed in the United States. But in some cases, federal prosecutors prosecute foreign nationals who, while located outside of the United States, engaged in conduct that violated one or more U.S. criminal laws. For example, as a result of the Mueller investigation, the Department of Justice brought charges against the Russian Internet Research Agency and Russian nationals for conspiracy to influence the 2016 elections and assist candidate Donald Trump. The Supreme Court has held that there is a presumption that U.S. laws apply only within the territorial jurisdiction of the United States. However, when Congress clearly expresses an affirmative intention to broaden the reach of such laws, it has authority to do so. In other words, when a particular criminal statute expressly or impliedly authorizes its application beyond the territory of the United States, prosecutors may validly target criminal activity committed outside U.S. borders. A surprising number of federal criminal statutes have such extraterritorial application. These include the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act, commonly known as RICO, and various anti money laundering and criminal fraud laws. Extraterritorial enforcement of these laws is fairly rare. However, this is likely due to practical challenges and diplomatic considerations. In the case of the alleged Russian international computer hacking and bank fraud schemes, for example, the cases are complicated by Russia's refusal to extradite its citizens to the U.S. for prosecution. Indeed, the Department of Justice recently dropped charges against the only Internet research agency defendant that appeared through lawyers in a U.S. court. This was Concord Management and Consulting. In dropping the charges, Department of Justice lawyers explained that the difficulties of prosecuting the foreign entity classification issues and the inability to enforce punishment against Concord all weighed in favor of its decision not to further pursue the case. For Talking Feds on Frances McDormand.

Harry Litman [00:36:08]: Thank you very much, Frances McDormand. Her latest movie project, by the way, is Nomad Land. It's about a movement of older Americans who have chosen to live in their vehicles and have joined the modern workforce of our country. It is supposedly soon in theaters near you, but as Fran says, not exactly sure how that's going to happen.

Harry Litman [00:36:29]: OK, we talked about Tulsa a little bit. You know, that's a pretty interesting situation because he's been kind of muffled for months and now there's the sense of we're unleashing the tiger and his and his roaring into Oklahoma. Of course, Oklahoma itself is surging in virus cases and he's scheduled to hold an indoor campaign rally in defiance of even his own administration's guidelines. I guess the broadsst question I wanted to ask is, can he effectively returned to the hustings right now with the virus still sort of surging? And what's his angle if he has one? Is he trying to shore up his dwindling base or actually make a broader argument to broader Americans? Here comes Trump in his campaign mode. So what? Why now? And what are his prospects?

Peter Baker [00:37:24]: Well, I think I would say is I think that Trump has been itching for something like this for three months. He's been stuck in the White House and doing very little travel until the last couple of weeks. He's like a caged lion roaring to go. And he we know from history that his idea of campaigning are these mass events, that he gets energy from it. He sees he sees them as validation of his presidency and validation of what he's doing. He thinks they project strength and power to the political world. And I think that there's something to that. It is the the lifeblood of his political identity. And so without them, for three months, he's been kind of listless and flailing and looking for ways to impose himself on the conversation, not very successfully at times. And I think that he thinks that once he gets out there again, he will be the dominant.

Harry Litman [00:38:13]: The real Donald.

Peter Baker [00:38:14]: Yeah.  And again, it's not wrong to say if you're a person like him, to look around an arena of 19000 people screaming and shouting- He gets a reaction of these things I don't see very often from politicians. I mean, obviously, President Obama could fill a pretty good stadium and give a great speech. And he had a lot of energy among his supporters. But beyond Obama, I don't think I can think of too many politicians who get the crowds and the energy that he does. Now, that doesn't mean it's a majority of the overall population, obviously, so far by polls it's not. But it is a political strength and it plays to him and empowers him. And that's what he thinks he needs to get back out there and try to reclaim some ground he's lost in these last few months.

Laura Jarrett [00:38:57]: Well, and the other thing is, of course, look, the reporting shows he did not like the optics of him being hunkered down in the bunker. And so this gets to just the pure imagery that he wants to get away from. Not to mention, as you mentioned, Peter, just the pure energy that he gets from our coverage of lines that have been out there knee deep for days, all waiting with bated breath to see him. I mean, what would a better ego stroke for somebody who so wants that love and attention? The difference this time, of course, is that we are still in the middle of a pandemic. And every single public health expert out there has cautioned about having this rally, especially when they're not going to require masks and they're going to be packed in there like sardines.

Harry Litman [00:39:44]: Is either of you going to be there, by the way?

Laura Jarrett [00:39:45]: No.

Peter Baker [00:39:46]: No, not me. No. We've got somebody waiting to be there.

Juliette Kayyem [00:39:49]: Don't go. I know both of you. Whatever you say, don't look. I mean, the irony, of course, on Laura's point is if it happens, I'm definitely someone who spends time advising corporations and knows the lawyers and insurers who worry about things like this. I am still in shock that Bob is still going forward with it as we speak. The Supreme Court essentially just punted it back to the facility. The Supreme Court in Oklahoma said we won't stop it. But the failure of the Trump campaign to have health and safety standards is a contractual one, not a constitutional one. Now, I'm still holding out for 24 hours because, first of all, that facility will not be able to be used for two years because the brand impact of what's about to happen is, you know, it's going to be a lot of it's going to be a little bit like Fukushima or Chernobyl. You're like not going to go for several years. And so they're just going to measure that and the hit that they'll take and maybe they can figure out whether it's outdoors. And I could be totally wrong.

Harry Litman [00:40:42]: Oh, you think they might still try to pull the plug?

Juliette Kayyem [00:40:44]: I mean, it's just, you know, last night the company's said to the Trump campaign, "look, we still haven't had a safety and health plan from you", which is the contractual obligation. That always strikes me as the first salvo by any corporation to allege breach of contract, as Laura certainly knows that, you know, you sort of failed- you failed to deliver. It could be that they're just trying to cover themselves. I don't know at this stage. All I know is that this is a company that is is literally might as well just burn the facility down for three years after this, because there's no question from a public health standard what's going to happen is that there's going to be an intolerance in the facility for masking. Right. You just already know what the mood is like. Meanwhile, Trump Mr. Get out there. Doesn't like to be seen in a bunker. He's going to come up through the back through a tunnel, never experience or they're going to have shields in the front So, he's never going to really experience actually that engagement that he might at another event. He will be completely, I think, protected even on the on the air side. My guess is that there's gonna be additional protections for him in terms of a coronavirus. You know, whether it's he's completely isolated in terms of air quality. My guess is that that's what they're planning on doing. In some ways, it is high. I'm going to kill all of you and that and everyone that you encounter and meanwhile, I'm still going to be safe. We make it benign by calling it a super spreader event. It's a super killer event. It really is. I mean, you're just looking at the numbers in these states. Now, the south and southwest states, this is a super killer event and we should just call it that.

Harry Litman [00:42:19]: And to get nerdy and lawyerly here, I'm sure Laura could affirm the little waivers they'll sign will not prevent lawsuits.

Juliette Kayyem [00:42:26]: No.

Laura Jarrett [00:42:26]: No.

Juliette Kayyem [00:42:26]: And in particular, they got the facility.

Harry Litman [00:42:28]: Yeah. And even by the law of chance, some people are going to get sick and die. And that's gonna be a bit of a buzzkill.

Juliette Kayyem [00:42:34]: I didn't sign the waiver. So if I encounter someone who's there and I get sick, I have a cause of action for extreme negligence, right? I mean, in other words--.

Harry Litman [00:42:42]: Recklessness, yeah.

Juliette Kayyem [00:42:43]: The CDC is saying do not have these events.

Laura Jarrett [00:42:46]: Especially since there-- I mean, they've been on notice for, for weeks now. And every like I said, every single public health expert at least that we've we've had on has been pretty unequivocal that while it's just so striking. I mean, if we just take a step back, he has still managed to cast that this entire issue as a debate and a political one that's about public health, right? I mean, just the idea that we have so many reporters on the ground who are talking to folks there and they do not even want to be questioned about why they're going to an event like this. Do they feel safe? They are just like, stop asking me these questions. It's like they almost feel offended that, you know, that they're being attacked. And it's just it's just sort of incredible to me that he has managed to spin this public health crisis into politics.

Harry Litman [00:43:32]: And by the way, politics into public health crises. There'll be demonstrators there that he is going to jump up and down and call left wing looters when his own government says there's really nothing to that at all. But I think that's a theme that we'll see continuing in the campaign, if indeed we're sort of at the advent of the Trump campaign season. We've got a couple minutes to talk virus, which is, of course, related to Tulsa, but so many causes for concern. The task force seems dwindling or in embers. Fauci and he apparently don't even talk anymore. You have a weird red blue dynamic where red governors take it as important for their loyalty to Trump to just downplay the virus for the most part, with some exceptions, like Ohio. So, Juliette, let me let me zoom in on you here. You said every state is reopening the wrong way. What do you mean? And do you think that a strong second surge is basically inevitable at this point?

Juliette Kayyem [00:44:33]: Well, it's not all states are the same. Look, all of the states reopened before even the sort of lax criteria that the White House had established early on to reopen. If you just look at how quickly states reopen, even New York phase one and you compare it to Europe and you compare it to Asia, they were in really much more aggressive social distancing than we were. And, you know, we were still able to go to markets and stuff. But that's I don't want to say that's OK. It's just I just you know, you take the world as it is. We're a different kind of country. And, but that doesn't mean that there aren't good ways to open up early and bad ways. And so now what you're seeing is the division between good and bad ways. And you're seeing the consequences of it in the South and Arizona and other places like that. So it's just important that people that this is the first surge for those states. In other words, just because of the timing of the virus, this is in a second phase that the second wave, we would anticipate some sort of drop off in August and September because of the natural drop off of viruses. And then you'll probably see a combined flu COVID sometime in October, which could be stronger because it would be with the seasonal flu. So what we're likely to see is a 1,000, 800, 600 thousand deaths a day in the United States making 250, 300, if not 400000 dead by the end of 202 very likely. And then sort of that comes with a vengeance that we're just going to be adapting at all times. You know, you're starting to see in Asia. Beijing had to close their schools again. Israel had to close their schools again. And we're doing this blind without a strong testing. So it's going to be sort of like an acceptable bad, though. I mean, you just see what's happening as we just sort of responsible people act responsibly, responsible leadership ask acts responsibly, responsible CEOs act responsibly, and hopefully that that is enough to protect more people than might otherwise be exposed, given the lack of federal interest in this.

Harry Litman [00:46:28]: You know, I mean, that's the big point that I maybe it's a closing point for Laura or Peter. It does seem some of this is at a bureaucratic level that might not be visible to the public, but it really seems like the federal government is just AWOL here and any kind of day to day management of the risk. Is that your sense?

Laura Jarrett [00:46:47]: I mean, part of the issue, I think, just quickly, is that there was never any coordinated, coherent federal plan to start. And so as a result, we've seen sort of a patchwork of decisions made at the local level. Some more aggressive than others. Like in New York where I am it's been very different than it has been in a place like Florida. But as a result, I think that's part of why you're seeing now a different result in certain states and why and why things may be different come this fall. And it's troubling for something like public health when people don't have confidence in what the federal government is saying. It's troubling when the messaging seems to change day to day, even on the situation with the masks, right? I mean, think about how many weeks we were told don't wear masks. Don't you know, it's not worth it. And then to make such a reversal, which now all of the research seems to support, can make an enormous difference. A lot of people just don't have confidence in it because there's just never been a coherent, clear message.

Harry Litman [00:47:48]: Man, there's a lot going on. And I feel we could go for hours, but we're at an end. It's our final segment. We take a question from a listener and each of the Deds has to answer in five words or fewer. Our question today comes from Grace Wen who asked, "Why didn't Bolton testify at the impeachment trial? Wasn't it his legal obligation?" Feds?

Peter Baker [00:48:14]: Both. House Democrats. Senate Republicans.

Harry Litman [00:48:17]: Good. A word left over.

Juliette Kayyem [00:48:20]: Two million dollar book advance.

Harry Litman [00:48:23]: Laura?

Laura Jarrett [00:48:23]: Washington inaction.

Harry Litman [00:48:26]: And I'll go with Republican senators gave a pass.

Harry Litman [00:48:34]: Thank you very much to Peter, Laura and Juliette. And thank you very much, listeners, for tuning into Talking Feds. If you like what you've heard. Please tell a friend to subscribe to us on Apple podcasts or wherever they get their podcasts. And please take a moment to rate and review this podcast. You can follow us on Twitter @TalkingFedsPod to find out about future episodes and other fads related content. And you can also check us out on the Web. Talking Fed's. com, where we have full episode transcripts or on Patreon where we post discussions about special topics exclusively for supporters to thank them for paying five dollars a month to help us with the cost for this podcast. Just up there now is my conversation with Natasha Bertrand about her new article about far right boogaloo members and the violence they seem set on sowing in demonstrations.

Harry Litman [00:49:32]: Submit your questions to questions@TalkingFed's.com. Whether it's four, five words or fewer or general questions about the inner workings of the legal system for our sidebar segments. Thanks for tuning in. And don't worry, as long as you need answers, the feds will keep talking. Talking Feds is produced by Jennifer Bassett and Rebecca Lopatin. Our editor is Justin Wright. David Lieberman and Rosie. Don Griffin are contributing writers. Andrea Carla michaels is our consulting producer and production assistance by Sam Trachtenberg and Sarah Phillips, whom thanks very much to Fran McDormand for explaining to us when the Department of Justice can bring criminal charges against foreign nationals for conduct abroad. Our gratitude, as always, to the amazing Philip Glass, who graciously lets us use his music. Talking Feds as a production of Deledio LLC. I'm Harry Litman. See you next time.

 

Trumpocolypse Nu?

Jennifer Bassett [00:00:00]: Hi, this is Jennifer. The producer talking feds and I want to take a moment before episode begins to tell you about the exclusive content we post on our Talking Feds Patreon. Unlike a lot of other podcasters, we don't just post ad free episodes or outtakes. We post exclusive interviews and even full length episodes. And for just five dollars a month or three dollars for students, this is available to you. To get a sense of what's on there, the last two weeks alone, we published great interviews with people like you, Duschene Drew, the president, Minnesota Public Radio, a former Rodney King prosecutor, Lawrence Middleton, on what to anticipate with the George Floyd case. And a long, in-depth conversation with Matt Schwartz, the author of The New York Times Magazine piece, William Barr, State of Emergency. We also have a full length Supreme Court episode, which is an analysis of the final 10 arguments for the term that were broadcasted live in May. And if you were interested in a preview, we're making the whole Patreon on site free for 48 hours this Wednesday and Thursday. So check it out. And we hope you will subscribe where patreon.com/talkingfeds. That's Patreon.com/talkingfeds.

Harry Litman [00:01:12]: Welcome to Talking Feds, a roundtable that brings together prominent former federal officials and special guests for a dynamic discussion of the most important legal and political topics of the day. I'm Harry Litman. The chaotic protest that broke out spontaneously in Minneapolis three weeks ago in the aftermath of the George Floyd killing have now ripened into a full fledged, well organized political movement extending throughout the country and the world. The force of the popular will has seemed to catch politicians by surprise and left them scrambling to catch up. Voters of every stripe and community express majority support for the protesters and the Black Lives Matter movement. President Trump, by contrast, has staked out a reactionary course, repeatedly tweeting out law and order and the need to, quote, dominate, one of the favorite words in his sparse lexicon. He argues that the police brutality problem is just a question of, quote, a few bad apples. And he opposes the movement to remove Confederacy monuments in military bases and public squares. Trump's approach puts Republican politicians between a rock--distancing themselves from the president and facing his wrath--and a hard place continuing to cozy up to him as he becomes increasingly unpopular. For now, many are simply keeping their heads down and ducking the issue. The week also saw a nightmarish possible harbinger of the November election during the primary in Georgia, with yet another scene of voters in minority communities waiting many hours on impossibly long lines while nearby white communities were quiet and orderly. Oh, and the country remains in the grips of the worst pandemic in a century. This week's saw rises in virus rates in many cities and particular pockets such as nursing homes, even as more and more people seem to assume a dramatic loosening of restrictions was imminent. So another intense and tumultuous week draws to a close with a series of dramatic events that call out for closer examination and analysis.

 

Harry Litman [00:03:25]: And we have the perfect set of guests to do it. Also, not to mention possibly the most undiverse panel maybe in history: four old white, cranky Jews. Two of them returning guests to Talking Feds and one very special first timer.

Al Franken [00:03:40]: Who's cranky? I'm not cranky. I resent that.

Harry Litman [00:03:44]: We'll find out. They are David Frum, who returns for the fourth time to Talking Feds. David is a staff writer at The Atlantic. He's an MSNBC contributor and the author of 10 books, including the hot off the presses Trumpocalypse, which I've just finished. And it's great. It analyzes Trump and Trumpism and the prospects for a sloughing it off after Trump. David, we'll talk about this a little during the episode. But in a word, can you tell us why you wrote this one and what sort of purpose it serves in your overall work?

David Frum [00:04:18]: I wrote this book confident that the Trump administration was going to come to an end the election of 2020. That was even before the pandemic struck. The pandemic has made me more confident that. The question I want to wrestle with is how do we ensure that nothing like this happens again to the United States and to America's standing in the world? I'm less interested in Donald Trump, the person, they're always psychopathic personalities. We build a complex political system to screen such people away from the presidency. It failed. How do you rebuild a system so it doesn't fail again? 

Al Franken [00:04:48]: That was more than a word. Harry, you said in a word,.

David Frum [00:04:50]: The German word. It was the German word.

Harry Litman [00:04:52]: A metaphoric idea, a word. Exaclty, one long word with a few semicolons. Norm Orenstein, second a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, co-host of A.I.S Election Watch, a contributing editor for the National Journal and The Atlantic, many more. He's one of the foremost political thinkers. Has been named in fact, one of the top 100 global thinkers for diagnosing America's political dysfunction. And like our next mystery guest. He is a son of Minnesota. Thanks very much for returning to Talking Feds, Norm. 

Norm Ornstein [00:05:27]: You betcha.

Harry Litman [00:05:28]: Finally, we're really honored and pleased to welcome Al Franken. Al Franken currently hosts the Al Franken podcast, one of the most popular podcasts on politics in the country. As everyone knows, he served as a United States senator from Minnesota from 2009 to 2018. His ouster, I would say, from the Senate was one of the stupidest self-inflicted wounds by the Democrats in U.S. political history.

Al Franken [00:05:56]: That's your opinion.

Harry Litman [00:05:57]: Well, no, it's the Lahey's opinion who said it's one of the worst mistakes. It's nine different senators opinions who have all regretted it. Thanks, guys. Politics, of course, was his second career after his initial incandescent rise to fame as a writer, comedian and author. Both on SNL and as an author. And in the Senate from Minnesota, he was a stalwart voice for progressive policies and for my money, the best and most prepared questioner on the Judiciary Committee. We're thrilled to have you with us. Thank you so much. 

Al Franken [00:06:27]: Pleasure to be here.

Harry Litman [00:06:28]: All right, let's get started. David, you're the youngest here, I think. Can you please recite the four questions? Why is this president different from all other presidents? You know, how it goes. No. Let's go straight to Minneapolis, where both Al and Norm hail from. We had a pretty big development this week. The Minneapolis City Council voted to disestablish, whatever that means, the police. But nine members did and it's veto proof. So is this going to happen? And what comes next? Nobody seems to know any--either of you sons of Minnesota have a sense of what it actually means as a political process?

Al Franken [00:07:06]: Well, you know, this police department failed me so many ways, one of which was Thursday night and Friday night they failed. They were not present. They did not stop people from their peaceful demonstrations until around midnight. They were not there. There was no plan. And then there is just its history of killing African-American men. And so, of course, this is going to happen. I don't know who's going to answer the phone when someone needs someone to go to a domestic violence event. I think you have to have police. You have to have community police. But it's very hard to get anyone to defend the Minneapolis police department, including Governer Walz.

Harry Litman [00:07:51]: Yeah, I know. I agree with that. I wrote in the L.A. Times this week an article just noting, though, that the whole community police concept, which has had signal successes in many cities, is kind of the opposite of what we're talking about, right? Al's question and Norm, I wonder if you have an idea of it. It's a pretty important question, because when people show up at domestic disturbances, I've ridden around with cops and they're--the prospect, at least, that things might graduate to force and their ability to match it I think in the hands of well-trained officers can be a force for good. Do you envision a radical deconstruction of the entire Minneapolis police force or does nobody really know what's going to happen next?

Norm Ornstein [00:08:33]: So I'm skeptical that that will happen. And it's important to keep in mind that whatever the Minneapolis City Council did, they don't unilaterally have the power to abolish the police or to radically restructure it. This is the start of a conversation that's going to take place, I think, over a pretty long period of time. And as Al said, you know, getting rid of the police, some of these ideas that you turn it over to other groups don't work in many, many cases. The Minneapolis police department has been, to put it mildly, dysfunctional for a long time. One of the reasons is something we've seen with many other police departments. We had the establishment of police unions. They've done a kind of bargaining that goes way beyond wages and benefits. And one part of it is they have a mandatory arbitration for any instances of police misconduct. And that means you have arbitrators who have to be approved by both sides. [55.4s]

Harry Litman [00:09:29]: Right.

 

Norm Ornstein [00:09:29]: Police who are being challenged. And in many cases, the police chief wants to get rid of bad cops. But if they rule against the bad cops, they're gonna lose their jobs. And so the worst punishment offered with a police chief who tried to get rid of rogue cops is 40 hours unpaid. And until you change these mandatory arbitration rules, until you have consequences for bad behavior, nothing changes. And if there is a way of a template here, it's probably what's happened in Camden, New Jersey, where they did completely up end their police department. It's not perfect, but they've moved to community policing. They've moved to having consequences for bad behavior. And it's made a real difference.

Harry Litman [00:10:09]: Yeah, this whole back end part of it. People didn't know about I didn't know about how you really looked into it and the powers of the union, not simply in Minneapolis, but kind of nationwide there. A bit of a junior NRA, it appears, with the Republican Party. So something like 50 percent of the time under the system you outlined, cops are reinstated. And Minneapolis is a very good example because you have a very progressive in fact, a former kind of rebel police chief, mayor and governor and their hands are so tied. David, I don't know if you had a chance to see this, but an article of Al sort of mentions that longitudinal historical performance of the police force. And there's an article in this week's Atlantic called Minnesota had this Coming. And the thesis is that the very attractive, great place to live, great theater and food, kind of, you know, low property values Golden City in the Midwest has always been a sort of tale of two cities. I don't mean Minneapolis and St. Paul, but really disparate, bottom line difference is between people of color, especially African-Americans, in almost every important measure. And the notion was that was just a matter of time. Do you buy that as someone who's been in Minneapolis? Did you know it was coming one time or another? 

David Frum [00:11:32]: I think it's really urgently important to observe a line which we don't always observe between explaining events and excusing them. It is true that the problems that America faces today are products of America's inherited history, America's inherited injustices of various kinds. None of those are justifications. So to say, and the author of the article didn't say it, but headlines. We've all done this. Headlines have to grab attention. There is no justification  ever for rioting, looting, which is just stealing defiance of public authority by violent means. None of those things are ever justified. I know we all feel that, but that's just a point that has to be hammered home, hammered home. Something else that really needs to be said about this. And I'm going to reveal my Canadian roots here. [00:12:16]The first professionally organized police force on earth was the London Metropolitan Police. They were organized in the 1820s. Robert Peel, who become prime minister, organized them and that police were set itself nine important principles that surface well to this day to define how policing should work. [14.7s]

David Frum [00:12:32]: And one of them, Principle Six, goes as follows. Police use physical force to the extent necessary to secure observance of the law or to restore order only when the exercise of persuasion, advice and warning is found to be insufficient minimum force. So in disarmed countries like Great Britain and Canada, you can have disarmed police. But the project of having disarmed American police in a country where, as far as the police know, every glove compartment and every vehicle could contain a Glock. What are they supposed to do when the driver does not keep all hands on the steering wheel? In Canada, if you don't keep both hands on the steering wheel, you're probably getting ready to make a rude gesture at the police in America. You could be reaching for a Glock in the glove compartment. [38.9s]

Al Franken [00:13:11]: I'd like to disagree over with David in one respect tremendously. But this has just been systemic in Minneapolis. And it's not just African-Americans, of course Native Americans as well, but with African-Americans, we have the greatest disparities in the country. In high school graduation we're 50 between whites and blacks. There are so many things in Minnesota's history that are really disgraceful and part of it is the police. Now, as far as reaching for the glove compartment, I mean, Philando Castile told the policeman he was reaching he's going to get his registration. And the cop shot him. This has not happened to white people. This happens to black people. And that would make me angry. It does make me angry. The police should have been on the street preventing the looting, preventing the fire. They didn't prevent the fire of their own precinct. This is a completely dysfunctional police department and the victims of that have been African-American. So it's very hard to say that trying to explain it is excusing it. It's really the anger there. I think part of the reason for this is that there has been a rash of these and that video was so obscene, so horrific because this wasn't a cop scared, pulling a gun on somebody and pointing it at them is a very frightening thing for a policeman to do, actually. And this was not that. And being the victim of systemic racism is something that the four of us have not experienced. My daughter and I were discussing this last night and she said, you know, Dad when I get a receipt, when I pay for something in a store or someplace, I just don't pay attention to the receipt. Black people do, because going to be asked at the door. If I'm if I go in, if I have to go to the bathroom and I go into a restaurant, I ask to use the restroom almost all of the time. They say, OK, black person, they won't do that. This legacy of our original sin is not just still there. It affects every African-Americans life in this country.

Norm Ornstein [00:15:21]: So let me take a position in between. [00:15:23]One part of it is I resonate what Al is saying. And I think we've seen a transformation. We see it in public opinion now, a real understanding that it is different for black people. I've said a number of times in the past. I lost a son. I know what it means to lose a child and the pain is unbearable. But when my kids were growing up and when they were teenagers and went out at night, I worried that one of them might drink and drive or that they'd be in a car with somebody else drinking or driving. They could get into an accident. I didn't worry about it every time they left the house that they could be stopped by a cop for a broken tail light and be killed. And all of that is true. Now, the question is, as we see a lot of white people suddenly coming, more and more aware of what's happened and how this works, what we can do about it, and here I resonate to what David said.

Norm Ornstein [00:16:15]: Most cops, I believe, are not racist. Most cops are not out to beat the crap out of people or to shoot them. There is an enormous amount of PTSD and depression among police. The suicide rates are more responsible for the deaths of law enforcement officers than thing that happens elsewhere on duty. You're right, David, that when a policeman goes up to a car, somebody's been speeding. You don't know what the response is going to be. But we have to change the way policing is done. We have to weed out those police who are racist. We know that in 2007, our intelligence forces warned us that white supremacists were going to make a strong effort to infiltrate police departments. We have to take police unions away from doing anything except collective bargaining over wages and benefits, not over how misconduct is treated. We have to do extraordinary steps to get a kind of de-escalation training. I've worked with a judge in Miami Dade, Steve Lightman, who's trained seventy five hundred police officers in crisis intervention team policing. Al was a champion of that when he was in the Senate. If you get police officers to understand as a part of their training to de-escalate and you try and get rid of some of the racist elements, then we're gonna have fewer incidents of assault or wrongful death. And if you make sure that when there are suits for wrongful death or wrongful assault, they're not just paid by taxpayers through the back door, but some of it comes out of police unions. They're going to point out they're bad actors and they're gonna keep it from happening as well. There are things we can do now, but we cannot ignore the pain and the reality of the mistreatment and the different treatment that happens to people of color.

Al Franken [00:17:57]: And Norm, why don't you talk about what the result of the crisis intervention training was for the police in Miami, in terms of the number of people they shot every year.

Norm Ornstein [00:18:08]: So this was mostly focused around encounters with people with serious mental illness. But it's broader than that. And that is that they used to have an average in this huge county of two shootings a month in encounters between police and either people with serious mental illness or others. Most of those, by the way, people of color. Now, after the crisis intervention team policing, they've had five or six in the last eight to 10 years and they were able to increase and improve their bond rating because of all the money they saved from the wrongful death suits. They cut the number of arrests in half. They were able to close a jail, one of their three main jails, and they've saved eighty four million dollars over the last seven years. So you can save lives and save money if you do the right training. But it's also important to emphasize that training alone doesn't do it if you have people out to do bad things and know that there are no consequences if they do.

Harry Litman [00:18:59]: This may sort of thread the needle. I just want to add one thing, and I wrote about it, too. It is from my experience in law enforcement. I agree wholeheartedly, Norman, with what you just said and I just want to point out it's consistent with believing, as I do, that in the last 30, 40 years, there's been a strong turnover in police departments and an increasing intolerance for old school racism and brutality. But the problem is that people know who the bad cops are and the system like unions, but also the wagons circling that happens whenever there is an episode is what sustains the bad apples are used for David, the hockey analogy that I proffered on Twitter. It's like the goons and a hockey team. Everyone knows who they are. But if the fans and the teams didn't permit them, just said zero tolerance, they would dry up. What's really sustaining the bad apples is systemic problems, beginning with the unions. All right. I like to stick with race for a second and ask--there was an article this week by Tom Etzel. And, you know, it made it cynical, but maybe trenchant point. I wonder what people here think. The I quote, White Americans have a history of losing interest in racial justice soon after they acknowledge injustice, as if their acknowledgment rather than actual changes in the world were the end of the matter. And he cites the 60s. So, I mean, do we see the vast movement toward support of Black Lives Matter and reform of police practices as something that's going to ebb in fairly short order when the majority or white people in society kind of go back to their daily lives? Or is this one really different?

 

Al Franken [00:20:43] Both. Does this guy actually has the first black owned micro distillery in the country. So he started a gofundme, which I'm helping with. And for black and brown owned businesses in Lake Street Corner and elsewhere in the Twin Cities for these businesses that were burned down. And there is also the fact that people from outside of Minneapolis and St. Paul came in to do some of that and some of them were just getting drunk and partying and doing stupid stuff. But he said that the donations for this gofundme just went off a cliff very recently. People losing interest. So Etzl's kind of right. This is, though, different, I think, than the 60s. In the 60s, that was African-Americans. And this was mixed. This was very mixed racially. These demonstrations, which was very, very heartening. And it was just stain. I think you had a question in your questions, which was, is Congress going to pass police reform? And my my answer is not this Congress.

David Frum [00:21:51]: One of my favorite professors in college used to teach history never repeats itself. It only appears to do so to those who don't pay attention to the details. I think the differences between now the 1960s are so overwhelming. Let's just start with this. Between 1958 and the middle and later 1960s, what an extraordinary era of progress in racial equality, both formal changes and law, starting with the Civil Rights Act of 1957 through the great Civil Rights Act of 64, Voting Rights Act 65. More legislation in the later part of the 1960s. And at the same time, we had extraordinary material improvement in the conditions of black households, incomes rising, job availability. It was a remarkable period of progress, which then crashed into the increase in urban violence in the riots of the middle 60s, culminating in the terrible wave after the assassination of Martin Luther King in April '68. The riots changed the politics of the country. They stopped civil rights legislation and they introduced an era in which black economic progress slowed. But the story of the past 10 years has been the opposite. The period from 2009 to 2019 was not an era of tremendous progress with black families. We had this symbolic achievement of the first black president, but there were not a lot of legislative changes that crashed into these disturbances. Unlike those of the 1960s, where the disturbances got worse and worse and more and more violent, the disturbances we've seen since May 25th have become more orderly, more peaceful, more like protests, less like riots as they've gone on. I have witnessed this here in Washington. I have been out in the streets almost almost every day, sometimes twice a day, just walking around on foot. And I was struck by the change of the atmosphere day by day. By the end, you were seeing strollers and families and people of every age and every background and there that people set up music speakers and there was dancing just outside the White House and there some COVID risk in all of this. But other than COVID, it it just it could not have been more like a street festival or a county fair or something. And so we're going to see something go into reverse that I think we are going to see just whereas the disturbances of '65, ]68 ended an era. I think the increasingly peaceful protests of May and June 2020 are the beginning of an era. [125.2s]

Norm Ornstein [00:23:57]: I would say that we've certainly seen a sea change. And I think it wasn't just the video of George Floyd. The Arbery video where you had horrific young man jogging on the street, pursued by three awful people who pulled him down, shot him, murdered him and uttered racial epithets. It's jolted an awful lot of people who didn't think a lot about what Black Lives Matter was all about into thinking about it a little bit differently. And I do think that the way these protests have evolved underscores that. The problem is going to come when we hit the inertia that is always there in the public policy process, along with the difficulty of untangling a set of laws and regulations in city after city that makes it very, very difficult to alter the way in which police deal with elected officials and with citizens, and including purging some police departments of the really bad people and getting those who are not bad to point out the ones who are bad. And doing some of the things about economic progress as well, especially since we're gonna hit a wall when it comes to funding anything as COVID continues to do bad things for the economy. So it's going to take a sustained effort, even though attitudes have changed. And I think those fundamentals are going to change over a significant period of time. Translating that into effective policy is a completely different matter.

Harry Litman [00:25:28]: Yes. You know, one thing that will tend to perpetuate it is this gonna be a focus of the election, in fact, sort of staying with the political impact. You have Trump having staked out a position that really is against the grain of almost everyone but his most intractable base. And he talks about law and order, a lip service to Floyd looking down from heaven. But he has chosen to redouble the strong man approach, which I'll just add is in keeping with the maxim in David's book that he always chooses whatever policy option makes him look the strongest. But this will be part of the debate going into November. And he's definitely staked out a counter-majoritarianism position even more than normally. How big a cost is he paying? And has he basically gambled everything on an economic resurgence, having put himself on the minority side of this dispute?

 Al Franken [00:26:31]: Well, if you can just stop a lot of black people from voting.

Harry Litman [00:26:35]: That's part of the strategy. We're gonna get to Georgia in a minute.

Norm Ornstein [00:26:37]: You know, one of the odd things here, but it fits a president who I believe as a lifelong narcissistic sociopath simply can't change. He can't help himself from doubling down on a base that is, in fact, very likely a narrowing base. He will have support that will be there no matter what. We're in an age of tribalism, of negative partizanship. A lot of people will support him because they don't want the evil people on the other side to win. But when it comes to many older voters, some upset because of the pandemic, others because of his reactions to all of these things when it comes to suburban voters, including, I think plenty in the South, in places like Georgia and Florida, who are appalled by his more openly racist stances, his bombastic rhetoric and the reaction to a lot of this. He can't help himself, but it's making it much, much harder for him to be able to prevail. That doesn't mean he can't prevail. You know, it's not just, as Al said, stopping a lot of black people from voting. It's stopping students from voting and stopping, as we saw in a couple of these earlier primaries in Wisconsin, Georgia and elsewhere. A whole lot of people from voting who would not be voting for him. It's Republicans in Congress who are delighted to have that kind of voter suppression, especially when the Senate is at stake. It's the rural tilt of the Electoral College that could help them as it did in 2016. But the kinds of things that a rational president would do, a non sociopath would do to broaden the base, to improve standing-- he just can't do it. And, you know, just quickly, one striking thing to me. [100.9s] The prime minister in Australia is not a figure who would otherwise be viewed as a statesman or distinguished. In fact, had a pretty mediocre standing, Scott Morrison. But when COVID hit, he relied on the experts and the scientists and the epidemiologists and did the right thing early on. Australia has done extraordinarily well. His approval rating has soared. Trump could have found himself in the same position.

 Al Franken [00:28:44]: One of my favorite quotes about the Trump presidency comes from an unnamed aide who worked with him of the first who said, "Trump isn't playing three dimensional chess. Most of the time he's just eating the pieces." He doesn't have never had strategy and often he doesn't have tactics. What he does have is a preternatural gift for finding the psychic ethical moral weakness in others, both in people and in systems, and then exploiting that. If there is anything in you that isn't solid, he will find it and use it against you and turn you. you see that with people who one would have thought it was quite decent people that Lindsey Graham's and the Marco Rubio's in this world. That he just he just found something in them and worked it and broke them. And he's trying to do that to the American system. But he's now in a jam is just too big. I mean, yes, he's going to try to end the Republican Party will try to stop like voting and students. But unless they repeal the 19th Amendment and stop women, they're just too big a hole. [54.0s] I looked it up. The worst unemployment rate in a presidential year for president who did not outright lose was Barack Obama in 2012 at 7.7 percent unemployment. But he had had strong job growth in the 12 months before the election. The second was Ronald Reagan in 1984 had seven point two percent, but he had amazing job growth in the twelve months before the election. Just to give you an idea of how close, though, Obama was to the razor's edge. In 1976, Gerald Ford had 7.8 percent unemployment, a tenth of a point more than Obama and lost. Now, it's not as simple, obviously, as just that tenth of a point, but it just gives you an idea that when you're in the high sevens, you're in a lot of trouble. We're at, what, 16 to 20? And there's no realistic prospect for bringing that much under 10 by voting day. It's just it's just too big an economic depression for the President to get past, even aside from all the dead bodies.

Harry Litman [00:30:29]: We could definitely explore that, these political questions. I hope we will for hours. I do just want to touch on what the hell? Norm and you've suggested that somehow another tableau of these interminable lines that we saw in Georgia and mainly black and brown people waiting hours and hours to vote while nearby community white communities have no trouble, are actually I'm sure that Republicans were delighted by it, but you're maybe suggesting if I heard right there, kind of architects of it. Is that your sense? And why the hell in 2020 does this keep happening?

 Al Franken [00:31:04]: Oh, my God, yes. I mean, part of the only thing they've got going on. Of course they do this. And they have a Supreme Court backing them, you saw what happened in Wisconsin. They took a case that had been cited by the district court and then by the circuit court and a state election. It was absurd that they took it and then their position on it was absurd. And that was to basically have to have your absentee ballot in by Election Day. And that meant the people who worried, but if their absentee ballot would get in. So they had to show up when at that point the Waukee was just thick with COVID. And so they were trying to suppress the Democratic vote in Milwaukee. Milwaukee had, I think, only five polling places in the whole city. And that's because most people who work at the polls are over 60 and the Supreme Court is very, very, very frightening.

Norm Ornstein [00:31:59]: So take Shelby County, the decision of which John Roberts said basically there's really no more racist behavior in these areas that have been pinpointed in Section four of the Voting Rights Act. And within days, Shelby County itself and many others were returning to those. You'll look at actions taken by other courts and by other actors. The governor of Georgia, Brian Camp, as secretary of state, promoted pretty vicious voter suppression actions. His successor is no different. In Texas, where you can vote as an older voter with no excuses and an absentee ballot. But the 5th Circuit panel just ruled that COVID is not an excuse for anybody else to get an absentee ballot without an excuse otherwise. So there are those actions. Now, I would say that there are things we can do to ameliorate that. And one that I've suggested and I'm trying to put out now even more is get states to print up huge numbers of absentee ballots. And if they don't have the resources to do it, work out public private partnerships with foundations to get them printed and have them at the polling sites a few days before the election for early voting and on Election Day. And if people have not gotten their absentee ballots on time and they've done it the right way, which is what we saw in Wisconsin and we've seen in other places, they can fill them out there and put them in safe repositories at the polling place. And if there are very long lines of those voters who can't stay in line, absentee ballots to fill out and deposit them right there. Have actuaries volunteer to be there if there are places where you need a notarized witness signature. There are ways in which we can cut down the lines and actually have and allow more people to vote. If there is a willingness to do so. But what we see now as well is Mitch McConnell trying to block the Postal Service from getting the money that would be necessary for it to operate so that they can actually get out absentee ballots after the applications are done and get them sent in on time. There are a lot of efforts to suppress votes and to make this difficult. And that's a hurdle we have to overcome.

Al Franken [00:34:03]: We need to have polling places open on the weekends and early voting. You have to make it easy to vote by mail. We ask the poll workers, because all of what Norm was talking about requires there be people working at the polling places.

Norm Ornstein [00:34:19]: High school and college students should be doing this, and the high schools and colleges should be encouraging and giving credit to their students for becoming poll workers.

Harry Litman [00:34:28]: All right. So a huge topic which we'll be following and talking about a lot.

Harry Litman [00:34:34]: It's time now for our sidebar feature, where we take a moment to explain some of the terms and relationships that are foundational in the news, but maybe not explained in the news. And we're very lucky today that Mayor Bill Peduto of my hometown, Pittsburgh, PA. will be explaining to us. He is currently serving his second term as mayor. He was elected in 2013 with 96 percent of the vote. Before that, he worked 19 years on the Pittsburgh City Council, during which time he wrote the most comprehensive package of government reform legislation in Pittsburgh's history. And I just want to put a nod to him, because after the Tree of Life shooting in October 2018, he was really a tremendously compassionate and focused leader. All right. He's going to tell us today about the limits that there may be on a state's power to order citizens to shelter in place. So Mayor Peduto.

Mayor Paduto [00:35:32]: States possess a police power that allows them to pass, enforce health and inspection laws to interpret or prevent the spread of disease. These laws can include isolation, quarantine or shelter in place orders. Most of the COVID 19 orders require individuals to shelter in place and restrict outside activities to essential businesses such as food or health care. Individual states determine which activities are essential. It is well established that during a pandemic such as COVID 19, the state's police power is quite broad in courts generally defer to it. But what are the limits of the state's power to enforce orders such as shelter in place? Several provisions in the U.S. Constitution provide potential limits. For example, the due process clause found in the 5th and 14th Amendment prohibits the federal and state governments from depriving individuals of liberty without due process of law. The Supreme Court has suggested that a public health order such as a quarantine or mandatory vaccination rule lacks any serious justification so as to be arbitrary. It may violate the Constitution. The equal clause of the 14th Amendment precludes the government from unreasonably discriminating on the basis of certain characteristics, including race or religion. These groups are referred to as suspect classifications.

Mayor Paduto [00:37:03]: In the early nineteen hundreds. The city of San Francisco imposed a quarantine that included only a Chinese neighborhood. A federal judge concluded that the quarantine unreasonably targeted Chinese individuals and violated the Constitution. So we know that public health orders cannot unreasonably target suspect classifications. The First Amendment precludes the government from restraining free speech, association, assembly or from unreasonably burdening the free exercise of religion. Clearly, shelter in place orders restrict some First Amendment activities, such as political rallies, public meetings and religious services. However, as with other constitutional limits, the government can regulate the time, place and manner of speech. But it may not treat religious practices worse than some similar secular activities. So, for example, the government can ban religious gatherings only if it also bans similar non-religious activities. Recently, there have been a number of suits arguing that the state shelter in place orders violates the Second Amendment because they've failed to include gun stores on the list of essential businesses. The results of these cases have been mixed, but the trend is for the court to reject the argument that gun stores must be deemed essential. For Talking Feds, I'm Pittsburgh Mayor Bill Peduto.

Harry Litman [00:38:36]: Thank you very much, Mayor Bill Peduto, who announced last week a new Office of Community Health and Safety to implement some of the community policing reforms necessary in Pittsburgh and similar cities.

 All right. We have just a few minutes left that I thought we could touch on a big topic. The Attorney General of the United States, who kind of took it on the chin this week. There was a letter to the Inspector General from 12000 alums of DOJ asking for his role in the Lafayette Square debacle to be investigated. And he seemed to sort of run from it. You know, he's normally has this kind of chest thumping indifference to criticism, but he was responding and seemed to be trying to temper his own role. And then we had former Judge John Gleason, who is awesome, I can say, who excoriated him, even his credibility in the brief to Judge Sullivan. And finally, Friday morning, Court of Appeals seemed ill disposed to cut off Judge Sullivan from considering the question of why the hell did the department dismiss charges against someone after pleaded guilty twice? So let me just ask, has Barr become--even as he furthers Trump's program in every way he can--has he become a kind of net political liability for the President?

 Al Franken [00:39:59]: Well, you mean the part about him being so transparently corrupt?

Harry Litman [00:40:02]: You could put it that way or even I mean, he's become very visible now more than the Attorney General. There is the attack on institutions, but he's very closely aligned now with what happened in Lafayette Square, which is this indelible moment that ain't going away. He's getting sued left and right. He didn't show up at all to the Judiciary Committee, just thumbed his nose at them this week, just in political terms, a kind of net less than zero four for him.

Al Franken [00:40:29]: Well, he's such an appealing guy, though. There's that. Look, he's got a great track record here. He lied about the Mueller report repeatedly. He mischaracterized it completely. He said there was no collusion which it didn't at all. They justify not responding to any subpoenas from Congress. It's just the worst. He's a thug.

Harry Litman [00:40:49]: But has it now entered the kind of political water David or Norm be of any any view on that? I don't know what percentage of America's even heard of the average Attorney General and probably even Bill Barr, but he's really in the middle of some pretty important controversies.

Norm Ornstein [00:41:04]: If you looked at the venture into Lafayette Park, we had Mark Esper, the secretary of defense, Mark Milley, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs, as well as Bill Barr, who are the two who are really on the hot seat, Esper and Milley. Why? Because they contradicted Trump. They said we shouldn't have been there and said it was a political photo op. Bae hasn't done that. And as long as Barr will do Trump's bidding and his dirty work, no matter how unpopular he becomes, he's safe.

David Frum [00:41:33]: If you're Donald Trump, which do you want? An attorney general who cares about his reputation, cares about being caught saying untrue things, and therefore is not always reliable? Or, an attorney general who doesn't care about those things and is always reliable? Obviously, from Trump's point of view, the latter is better. So no, Barr is not a political trouble. There's no mechanism for any cost to be inflicted on him or for him to inflict any costs on the president. We're in the context here of an administration that isn't so much political trouble. Their best strategy is at this point, just to stick together and try to minimize losses.

Harry Litman [00:42:06]: And suppress the vote.

David Frum [00:42:07]: Suppress the vote and suppress information so as to hold as many Republican Senate seats as possible. Because while it's probably unrealistic for Donald Trump to be reelected, it is realistic for Republicans to hope they can retain the Senate. And if they don't, it just becomes a political bloodbath. I mean, if we're in a world in a few months, Donald Trump has lost the presidency fifty three to forty six. Republican's have dropped three or four Senate seats where they have lost control of the states. Remember, 2020 is not just an election year. It's also a census year. The twenty twenty one will be the year where we will shape the political map of the states. The states would very shape by Republican since the census of 2010 and the redistricting of 2011. The Democrats are now poised to do unto the Republicans and in reverse the Republicans did onto them. There's going to be an internal bloodbath in the Republican Party afterwards. And from the point of view of Barr's own personal interest. He will be well served by his image as the last loyal man. There will be enough sympathy for those who fought the good fight to the last. I don't think he's going to face a lot of personal costs, whereas if he discovered a conscience at this late date, you might well incur costs.

Norm Ornstein [00:43:12]: Quick prediction. If David is right and let's say Trump loses the presidency and Republicans lose the Senate. Our long national nightmare will not be over on November 4th or a week later when we count the votes. We will have two and a half months following months of sheer hell because Donald Trump will pardon everybody and he will do whatever he can to get rid of any evidence of wrongdoing, corruption or misconduct. Mitch McConnell will ramp up as much as he possibly can, even if he has to go 24/7 to confirm more judges. If Ruth Bader Ginsburg, God forbid, should die during that interim period, even up to iff they lose the Senate. January 2nd at midnight before the new Senate convenes, he will confirm a new Supreme Court justice. We will have a transition from hell. So we need to be prepared for that. Not just an election from hell with suppression and other problems, but a transition that could be really, really bad.

Al Franken [00:44:10]: There's also the nightmare of a very close election. David writes about this in Trumppocalypse. Terrific book. And this is why I wish Milley had not publicly announced that he was sorry he did that picture because I'm afraid I'll get fired. I think we it'd be nice to have the chairman of the Joint Chiefs not on the side of, "Oh, OK, we'll protect the president who won't leave."

Harry Litman [00:44:36]: And one more thing from David's book. The Trump core base of supporters aren't going to leave the country. And the prospects for what happens then for some kind of reconciliation of our partizan politics is vexing, to say the least. David spends a lot of time talking about that. All right. We are done with what's been a great discussion. I wish we could go two more hours. We can't. So let's proceed immediately to five words or fewer. Talking Feds' final segment where we take a question from a listener and each of us has to answer in five words or fewer. This week's question from Leroy Martinez is Will comprehensive legislation to reform police practices pass the Congress? Five words or fewer.

Norm Ornstein [00:45:23]: No.

Harry Litman [00:45:25]: Just OK straight. No, I don't think you can borrow the four words, Al, but--.

Al Franken [00:45:28]: No, I have two words. Which Congress?

David Frum [00:45:32]: OK, I was going to say I've tried to fit this in five words. Not now. State action.

Harry Litman [00:45:38]: That's a good one. So I'm a little against the grain, but we'll see. Comprehensive. No. Something fairly weak.

 Harry Litman [00:45:50]: Thank you very much to David, Norm and Al. And thank you very much, listeners, for tuning into Talking Feds. If you like what you've heard, please tell a friend to subscribe to us on Apple podcast or wherever they get their podcasts. And please take a moment to rate and review this podcast. You can follow us on Twitter @TalkingFedPod to find out about future episodes and other Feds related content. And you can also check us out on the Web, TalkingFeds.com, where we have full episode transcripts. Or on Patreon, where we post discussions about special topics exclusively for supporters to thank them for paying five dollars a month, three dollars for students to help us with our costs for the podcast.

Submit your questions to questions@talkingfeds.com. Whether it's for five words or fewer or general questions about the inner workings of the legal system for our sidebar segments. Thanks for tuning in. And don't worry, as long as you need answers, the Feds will keep talking.

Talking Feds is produced by Jennifer Bassett and Rebecca Lowe Patton. Our editor is Justin Right. Consulting producer Andrea Carla Michaels. David Lieberman and Rosie Don Griffin are our contributing writers and production assistance by Ayo Osobamiro and Sam Trachtenberg. Thanks very much to Mayor Bill Peduto of the incomparable American City of Pittsburgh P.A. for explaining limits on the state's power to order residents to shelter in place. Our gratitude, as always, to the amazing Philip Glass, who graciously let us use his music and who, by the way, has a very significant Pittsburgh connection. Before he became the musician that everybody knows, he was a composer in residence for the Pittsburgh Public Schools. No lie. Talking Feds is a production of Deledio LLC. I'm Harry Littman. See you next time.

 

Pouring Tear Gas on the Fire

Harry Litman [00:00:00]: Welcome to Talking Feds, our roundtable that brings together prominent former federal officials and special guests for a dynamic discussion of the most important legal topics of the day. I'm Harry Litman.

The raw tumult and blazing rage that broke out last week in the wake of George Floyd’s killing bent down this week to something that felt more cohesive, orderly and sustained. In major cities, demonstrations stretched into their tenth day, less convulsive and largely peaceful, though punctuated both by occasional lootings and episodes of excessive force by police. The Minnesota attorney general announced increased charges for the main assailant, Derek Chauvin, and serious charges for the other three police officers. A wide spectrum of politicians and opinion makers seemed to coalesce around the idea that Justice for Floyd entailed not just the prosecution of the officers, but some measure of systemic reform of police practices. And in Minneapolis itself, Sunday night, a majority of the Minneapolis City Council pledged to dismantle the Police Department promising to create a new system of public safety in a city where law enforcement has long been accused of racist practice.

Meanwhile, President Trump, after over a week of what seemed to be cowering silence, sought to take the offensive as a self-proclaimed “law and order: president. He adopted a mantra of, quote, total domination, close quote, and announce plans which he seems to have abandoned by week's end to send in the military to subdue the protesters. Meanwhile, the White House was ringed with new barriers and combat troops. Never had the president seemed so autocratic and weak at once. The forceable clearing of peaceful protesters with pepper spray and smoke canisters for a charmless photo op at a church across from the White House looked likely to become an indelible moment of his presidency and drew broad public condemnation, including from former senior advisers. And his tone deafness seemed reflected in the reaction of the public, which, at least for now, largely disapproves of his handling of both the protests and the virus. He fell significantly behind his putative opponent, Joe Biden, including in states he won handily in 2016 and among core constituencies such as Evangelicals and non college educated whites. 

And, of course, through it all, the virus raged on, though overall both the death rate and the economy showed signs of having bottomed out. So ended another tumultuous week with the country's mood sullen and resolute and the barest sense that maybe, just maybe change was in the air. To discuss the week's most important events, we have a terrific panel of former government officials and prominent journalists. 

First, Roy Austin Jr. is a partner at Harris, Wiltshire and Grandis. Roy previously had a distinguished career in government and law enforcement, serving as a federal prosecutor, a deputy assistant attorney general and the Civil Rights Division of the DOJ and the deputy assistant attorney to the President for the Office of Urban Affairs, Justice and Opportunity, where he worked on President Obama's task force on 21st century policing. Welcome Roy, to Talking Feds

Roy L. Austen [00:03:28]: Good to be here, Harry. 

Harry Litman [00:03:29]: Next, Barbara McQuade, a professor of practice at the University of Michigan Law School and MSNBC consultant and, not least, a charter Talking Fed known very well to all in this podcast. She, of course, is the former U.S. attorney for the Eastern District of Michigan. And before that, an assistant U.S. attorney in the same district. Thanks, as always, for joining us, Barb. 

Barbara McQuade [00:03:53]: Thank you, Harry. Glad to be with you all. 

Harry Litman [00:03:55]: And finally, Jennifer Rubin, an opinion columnist for The Washington Post, where she covers politics and policy and an MSNBC contributor. Before joining the Post. She practiced labor and employment law for 20 years, and she graduated first in her class in the famous Brault Hall class of 1986. 

Harry Litman [00:04:15]: Thanks for being here, Jenn. 

Jennifer Rubin [00:04:17]: It's lovely to be here. And as Harry reminded me, nothing much changes. I'm still drinking Diet Cokes. 

Harry Litman [00:04:24]: And I'm still behind her. All right. Let's begin in Minnesota, which has been in the eyes not just of the country, but the world these last 10 days. So first, we had yesterday an announcement of new charges. The debate before had been over showing intent to kill whether Chauvin, in those horrific eight plus minutes could be said to have intended to kill Floyd. Roy, let's start with you. As a former civil rights prosecutor. How did you or do you view the intent issue? And what do you think about the new charges that Ellison's brought? 

Roy L. Austen [00:05:07]: Thank you, Harry. The new charges are completely appropriate in my mind and really necessary in this case. I think the intent question is a challenging one for the prosecutors. But I think it's largely going to be decided by just the video itself. I mean, we're going to have an autopsy report that is going to say that it was the pressure to the neck that caused his death. But the defense counsel is pretty much guaranteed should this case go to trial to put on a medical examiner who is going to say that there were other causes

Harry Litman [00:05:47]: What's that matter,by the way, legally, what's the significance of that and the actual skirmish at trial? The dueling autopsies. 

Roy L. Austen [00:05:54]: So, you know, I think a lot of jurors are just going to throw their hands up because they simply aren't going to be able to decide between the sides. So, at the end of the day, this is going to be about common sense. And you sit there and you watch your man with his knee on another human being's neck for nine minutes with the person crying out that he can't breathe, crying for his mother. And I think at the end of the day, this is a case of common sense. Both sides will have their experts, the experts will watch and people will base their decision on what their own eyes tell them. 

Harry Litman [00:06:30]: And Barb, Jen, I mean, do you agree? I've done a fair number of these cases, including the Rodney King case. It's a really weird one. Normally you have a kind of convulsive beating and an explosive interaction with suspects. Here, Chauvin is just kind of almost lazily keeping his knee on the neck. A move, by the way, that he that's not countenanced in Minnesota unless someone's resisting which Floyd wasn't. You can sort of see in the hothouse of a courtroom. It playing kind of both ways, no?

Barbara McQuade [00:07:13]: Harry, I think one thing that's important to think about in these police cases is that the defense typically is a public authority defense, that police officers are allowed to use reasonable force under the circumstances. There's a case, as you probably know, called Graham Vs Conner that defines what that is and it's reasonableness through the eyes of a reasonable officer at the scene rather than through the 20/20 vision of hindsight. And you look at things like the severity of the crime, whether the subject was attempting to flee or evade officers or resisting arrest. And if you look at the facts here, all of those facts, I think, work in the favor of the victim and are going to work against the officers here. The severity of the offence was a counterfeit 20 dollar bill. He did not appear to be resisting arrest. He sat down. He seemed to be putting up some passive resistance, perhaps, but he was not posing a threat to the lives of officers or others. He was not attempting to run away or flee. And so, I think that part that defense is going to be really important here, regardless of whether it's second or third degree. And of course, there are other factors, not on the tape about statements people made and other things that will be important. But I think unlike many cases where there is this split-second decision that has to be made and there's a life and death moment where an officer has to decide whether to shoot or not shoot. That's often what makes it so difficult to prosecute these cases. And that element is missing here. I think the, as you said, almost bored look of the officer with his hand in his pocket as he keeps his knee on the neck of this motionless man for almost nine minutes, I think makes it a very strong case for prosecution. 

Harry Litman [00:08:56]: Jen, so Barb mentioned even if they don't win the second degree murder, they still have the fallback to the third degree. What do you think happens here if there's an acquittal on the main charge?  In the past, acquittals have been trigger points. What kind of risk are they running? Ellison said specifically, I want to push as hard as I can within ethical bounds or is it, you know, too bad, but no tragedy. 

Jennifer Rubin [00:09:39]: I think anything less than a conviction on the most serious charge will be greeted as a gross miscarriage of justice, truly pouring salt in the wounds of the public. I think this case has gone beyond the immediate instance. It's going beyond the city, gone beyond the state. And now we've made this leap into historic terms. For him to be set free, I think would be viewed as yet another cataclysmic, to use your word, miscarriage of justice. I think there are two factors that would add to that. First of all, we don't usually get a videotape this clear. I'm sure any prosecutor would be thrilled to have this. But what makes this so powerful and I think why many Americans who normally would be sympathetic to the police, what normally would be the benefit of the doubt, vanishes because they are seeing this with their own eyes. And what's more, they're seeing people at the scene who are seeing it with their eyes and who are yelling at the police officers, ‘He says he can't breathe.’ So it's not only the victim, it's people who are right there who I'm sure will testify in person as well. 

But I think any sense of reasonableness, any sense that there was some provocation for this behavior has been so far removed from this particular set of circumstances that I think there will be true outrage if he is not convicted. And I think the intent issue or a murder within the context of another crime, an unjustified assault. Those are hard cases to make. But I think in this case, the prosecutor has no choice but to make them. I'm curious from our former prosecutors what they think about change of venue, which would normally be an issue. But now this is a nationwide issue. Does a change of venue even make sense? 

Roy L. Austen [00:11:46]: I don't think so. I think it would be hard for a judge to find a location where the entire jury pool does not know about this case. And you move to a point where if you find those jurors, you found 12 people who live under a rock and that would be a serious miscarriage in and of itself. 

Barbara McQuade [00:12:08]: Yeah, I think I agree with Roy on that. You know, it's so rare that there is a change of venue. Oklahoma City is the last one that I can remember. But even the Boston Marathon bomber stayed in Boston. You know, and of course, the question for our listeners is not whether you've ever seen anything about this or ever heard anything about this. The question is whether you can set aside any judgments you may have formed outside of the courtroom and base your decision solely on the evidence you hear inside the courtroom. And so my guess is they can find such a jury, even in Minneapolis. I think the worst thing that could happen is to send it out of state, where people maybe lack the kind of interactions with the police that would give them the perspectives to be valuable jurors in a case like this. And so I would think that there are probably lots of good reasons to keep it in Minneapolis, where the sense of the community, when you're talking about reasonableness, I think it's valuable to have the community where it happened be the arbiters of what is reasonable. 

Harry Litman [00:13:00]: You can certainly bet that their attorney general, Ellison, not to mention the mayor and the governor would fight like mad to keep it from happening.

Roy L. Austen [00:12:05]: The other thing you have here is you have a body cam footage that has not been publicly released.

Harry Litman [00:12:08]: Right, I don't disagree that the that the video is going to be front and center. But, you know, in these cases, there's always some additional evidence. Going to go into Barb's point about his being not resisting. We do know that he said he didn't want to go in the car. He was claustrophobic. We do know that there, at least in public view, we haven't seen so much of what's going on around the side of the car. It's sort of straight on. We don't know so much about the initial interaction where the court said that he was out of control and intoxicated. There will be more. Actually, let me just follow up on this for you know, you experienced prosecutors out there. If you had the, you know, showing here, what do you expect him to even try to say in his own defense? What theory will he propound? 

Roy L. Austen [00:12:52]: I mean, he has to go on that the force was necessary, which is a really untenable position, and I also think Chavin has a huge problem. And I suspect he can't even testify because he has a lengthy list of complaints against him, which in this case is likely to be pulled in 404B. So, I mean, he has to somehow say that what he did was, in fact, necessary. That he didn't have all this weighed on Mr. Lloyd's neck. Mr. Floyds neck. But he has a hard hill to climb in defending himself in this case. 

Barbara McQuade [00:13:24]: Boy, I agree with that. I think one of the things that we referred to in passing earlier is the idea of the knee on the neck. There is literature and police training that says that first putting someone on their stomach leaves someone very at risk of what's known as positional asphyxiation. Just whenever you're on your stomach with your hands behind your back, you are at risk. And then by putting any kind of pressure on your neck, like a knee, a person's body weight on their neck cuts off the airflow. And so, it is a disfavored tactic because of the very high risk of death that can result from that. And so I think in light of all those other factors we already talked about, like the seriousness of the crime, lack of resistance. So what if he gets away? Right, for 20 hour counterfeit bill. He wasn't posing a risk of danger to the officers or the community. And so I think in addition to all of those things, not only did they hold him on the ground, they used this technique that is known to be a high risk of death. He was the training officer for these other officers. And so I think it's going to be very difficult for him to say he didn't know better. 

Harry Litman [00:14:22]: And just to be clear on Roy's point, there's a doctrine in the law that lets previous bad acts be admitted sometimes where they go to show intent. And here, Chauvin has like 17 of tem. His partner has eight. So if those come in, they tend to be very strong evidence in front of a jury. And in fact, that's why the law can be cautious about them. They don't want jurors to just conclude because he was bad then, he did it now. But it can be used to show intent. 

Jennifer Rubin [00:14:56]: I think that I think on that score, although the jury is given an instruction that he is not on trial for those other instances of brutality. I think any juror is not going to be able to put that out of his mind and only consider that evidence with respect to intent. They are going to look at this guy and look at this pattern of behavior. And this is why bad acts often don't come in, because they do influence a jury despite instructions from the judge. And I think they're going to look at this and look at the number of offenses and they're going to ask themselves a very common sense question, which is ‘what the heck is going on over there in the police department?’ And I think we as lawyers, you guys as prosecutors, appreciate that it's the law and the facts of that case. But this case is so much bigger and the pattern of police brutality is so obvious. You are, in essence, putting the police department on trial here. And right now, if you are a police officer and you have had a history of using excessive force, you should be very concerned that whatever incidents you're involved in in the future, these are going to come out. The public is now having a new level of concern.

Harry Litman [00:16:24]: That's a really good segue, actually, to where I wanted to go next, which is the potential national impact of the Floyd case, calling George Floyd's death an inflection point for the country. It has changed everything she said. Just as Jenn is suggesting Speaker Nancy Pelosi told reporters that House Democrats are going to be releasing on Monday a comprehensive package to deal with the use of excessive force and racial issues in police forces nationwide. The minority leader, Kevin McCarthy, signaled willingness to play ball here. And it coincides with a remarkable rise in public support for reform, with most Americans now saying that the police do have a racism problem. So, are we, in fact, at a moment of general reform of police practices? And if so, you know, why now? We've seen high profile killings in the past. Just recently, Eric Garner, Michael Brown generated great concern, but came to not. But here the momentum really seems to be going downhill. Is it? And if so, why? 

Roy L. Austen [00:18:20]: It is absolutely. This is the most amazing point in my lifetime. And I'm a 70s kid, so I was not born in the 60s. But you have here just so many different things coming together at one time and you cannot ignore the bully in the White House. And three years of hearing his bullying and three years of his complete and absolute support for law enforcement. And then you have the clearness of this video and then you have the economic and racial inequality that has been brought on by the COVID-19 pandemic. And you have, on top of that, you have some of the wild black incidents where someone is bird watching while black. Well, someone is going into Starbucks while black while someone is-- And all of this coming together. And the thing that makes this movement so different just optically than anything that I have seen before is not only the fact that it is happening in cities and states across the country. It is happening in small, vastly majority white towns all around the country. It is happening all over the world. And people who even attempt, like Drew Brees, try to attempt to be nuanced about this, got shouted down for the lack of wokeness in his statement. This is a moment for criminal justice reform that is not going to turn around until things actually change. 

Jennifer Rubin [00:19:00]: I do agree. I think you look back in the history of the Civil Rights Movement and you remember these seminal moments. The protesters being beaten on the bridge on their march to Selma, the unleashing of the dogs by Bull Connor in Alabama. And those became iconic moments, iconic visuals. And I want to emphasize visuals because people have a completely different reaction when they can see it with their own eyes, when they can make the assessment. And now in our on the screen constantly world, how many times have all of us seen it? It's probably over 100. And it's only been a week or so. So this gets reinforced and reinforced and reinforced again. And I think what Roy said about not the coincidence, but coincides with the Trump administration is very important. Part of this is the built-up anger over three years of playing the white grievance card, three years of overt and not so overt racial messages to his base. And I think the fury, the frustration, the anger has really sort of been bubbling there all along. And this now has brought it out and is much about Trump. It is much about his and his party's cluelessness on race. It is much about all of those things, the political situation in America. So I think these things happen because they're overdetermined. There are lots of reasons why this is so important. And it just seems like all the factors here are coinciding on this one incident. When you have these iconic moments where a public gets it and then the politicians are following. It's not that the politicians are leading this. They're scrambling to keep up with the American people who have been galvanized. And that doesn't happen more than a few times in a lifetime. And we're seeing it play out right now. 

Barbara McQuade [00:21:00]: Harry, I would just add we've seen these incidents again and again and again. And it does feel like this time is different. And if it's not, shame on us. But I have to agree that, you know, COVID is part of it. Just feeling exhausted and tired and in a lot of pain. But I really think the impetus is President Trump, who has galvanized people and woken a sleeping giant in the rest of us. I think it is as Roy pointed out, it isn't just the black community, but the white community that is also rallying in support of real change in policing. And, you know, the way forward has already been written for us during the Obama administration. The 21st Century Policing Task Force put together a blueprint of very concrete reform efforts that need to be made. They had a blue ribbon panel of police officials, as well as defense and community advocates who put together a number of recommendations. And so, nobody has to study anything. Nobody has to spend more time thinking about what needs to be changed. We know what needs to be changed. De-escalation needs to be there. We need diversity in our police forces. We need oversight of police officers who do wrong. We need officer wellness and safety improvements. There are a number of specific recommendations there. And you know, the time for thinking and talking about it has passed. The time for action has come. 

Harry Litman [00:22:12]: Roy knows a thing or two about that blueprint. So let me turn to you and ask, first of all, do you generally agree with Barb's identification of the big ticket items? And what would you see as most probable, but also most exigent in terms of the coming legislation? Because, presumably it's too much to hope that they simply take the paper and make it law. 

Roy L. Austen [00:22:45]: Look, we know and we've known for a long time what needs to be fixed with policing. You look at Chauvin himself, the lack of officer accountability is an enormous thing. The number of officers who have prior complaints against them, where absolutely nothing has been done is stunning. And then those officers, when they go on to get worse and worse and then you put them in positions of authority and training other officers. That is such an obvious problem that has to be fixed. The fact that we have discriminatory policing and we're talking about a 20-dollar bill that was potentially fraudulent. That is silly, that you need five police officers or four police officers even on this kind of a case. The fact that someone dies over this is incomprehensible to most of the country. Throw on top of that the number of individuals who have been beaten and hit by rubber bullets and sprayed with tear gas who are protesting. And the reaction to the protests have made it more likely that we're going to have criminal justice reform. 

Harry Litman [00:23:58]: What are the concrete proposals that stand a good chance of becoming law that address those problems? 

Roy L. Austen [00:24:00]: I honestly think one of the top ones is going to be qualified immunity. So, qualified immunity is the idea that police officers cannot be prosecuted for much of their conduct, that prosecutors cannot be held liable for much of their conduct. And this is a fiction of the law that both the left and the right cannot stand. This is one where Clarence Thomas has kind of been raging for a number of years about it that the Supreme Court might take up where I think that this is a safe place for even Republicans to go. I think that there's going to be legislation that is going to forbid the use of holds where we are basically taking people's breath away. Neck holds, hog tying, that kind of thing is going to be banned at a national level. I think that's going to happen. I think you're going to have some significant movement on police training. It's going to be part of any legislation on implicit bias training. I think you're going to end up having a number of things on body cameras where they're going to be mandated and they're going to be decisions made there. You may even go so far and this is going to be the one that's really gonna be telling us if they find some federal legislation to limit the power and the authority of police unions to bargain on these specific issues, that's going to be telling. 

Harry Litman [00:25:12]: Everybody does tell you that that's unless you're sort of sophisticated in the middle of these issues, you don't realize what a powerful force police unions are and contracts that forbid or at least make very difficult the discharge of bad apples. I want to make a quick point about body cameras. I think they are very likely here. And that it reminds me a little bit of Miranda, a decision that when it came out, officers were bitterly opposed to but came to actually champion and not want to reverse. And it's--when I was U.S. attorney, I tried to make the case to local police that a camera is in their interest and especially in the interest of law abiding officers. And I think there was initially a lot of resistance, but that's starting to change. And you'll see police coming to live with this. Because after all, there are cameras around everywhere now and they might as well have their own. Anything else? Or Let me put it this way. What you know, McCarthy will be somewhat cooperative, but what will his breaking point be like? What's a sort of pivotal proposal that, you know, maybe passes, maybe not. Will there be a battleground? 

Roy L. Austen [00:26:21]:  Oh no, this is going to be a huge battleground. 

Harry Litman [00:26:22]: And what provisions? Because they'll certainly they won't try to resist it completely. So what provisions will be the real ground of battle? 

Roy L. Austen [00:26:28]: Anything that touches the unions, anything at all that specifically touches the unions, they are going to lose their minds about that. 

Harry Litman [00:26:37]: Republicans will lose their minds about or the unions will? 

Roy L. Austen [00:35:44]: One in the same, one of the same, Harry. The Republicans have been kowtowing to the unions for decades now, the police used to hate all other unions, but the police unions. And so anything that the union says, like, you know, one of the issues is going to be militarized equipment, that's going to be a big, stumbling block block, because I remember in the Obama administration, we faced huge opposition to even putting accountability measures on those. So the Republicans are going to try. And I think the Senate probably won't pass much, but the Republicans in the House are going to have a hard time not doing something here. 

Jennifer Rubin [00:27:12]: I would agree that the use of military sort of weaponry and gear is going to be a big issue for Republicans. I also think that they are going to resist strenuously any attempt that they say is not germane to this particular case. So if Democrats, for example, go broader and they say, ‘Well boy, we sure learned that there's a problem with the federal Insurrection Act here.’ That's going to be another point of resistance. Their effort is going to be to narrow, to make anything that they pass sort of go through the prism of this one case. And Democrats, rather, who I think rightly see this as a seminal moment, are going to want to use the opportunity to get as much in there as possible. So, I think you're going to see a big fight about what kind of reform they're really doing. 

Barbara McQuade [00:28:02]: I would just add one other potential change in the law that I think could be helpful when it comes to federal civil rights law to enforce a criminal violation under the Color of law Statute 18 USC Section 242 requires intent of willfulness, which is the highest level of intent that exists. It can be very challenging in cases of police force to show that a police officer willfully deprived someone of his civil rights. It means that things like a mistake, accident, panic, bad judgment are not enough, but that the person deliberately acted to, you know, to kill someone. That standard seems to me to be too high. And changing that to knowing or even reckless, I think would give a lot more accountability over police officers and federal civil rights cases when they're using the color of law that is their badge to unlawfully seize someone by arresting them or using excessive force. 

Harry Litman [00:28:53]: And whatever does pass, does it seem as if Trump is going to have to sign? I mean, after whatever the Republicans sign on to, it would be quite a political risky move for him to try to veto. Yes? 

Roy L. Austen [00:39:18]: If he gets to his desk. He has to sign it. But I think the congressional, the Senate Republicans are going to prevent much of substance from getting to his desk. 

Harry Litman [00:39:31]: OK, that's all on the legislation for now, as I say, it's going to be introduced next week and it will be. It will play out over the next several weeks.

It's time now for our sidebar feature. The government, as most of you know, has moved to dismiss the charges against Michael Flynn two years after Flynn already pleaded guilty to them. A very unusual turn of events. And the judge in the case, Emmett Sullivan, seems to be pushing back what law governs, whether the government can simply do it, or does the judge have some power? 

And to tell us about this issue, we're really pleased and fortunate to be able to turn to Lewis Black. Lewis Black as a comic playwright and author and actor and the longest running cast member of The Daily Show. I give you now Lewis Black to talk to us about rule 48. 

SIDEBAR

Harry Litman: [00:33:29]: Thank you very much. Lewis Black. Lewis has a special coming out this summer that you'll want to catch, as well as a new audio series called Lewis Black's Rant Cast

All right. Let's move back to D.C. and in particular the, you know, remarkable descent that we began to see from the President's former advisers. He's been remarkably successful throughout his presidency in suppressing criticism and even enforcing fawning praise among his advisers and tyrannical and lowering the boom to anyone who he thinks is insufficiently sycophantic. But there was therefore all the more arresting that his former Secretary of Defense, James Mattis, said, “Donald Trump is the first president in my lifetime who does not try to unite the American people, does not even pretend to try. Instead, he tries to divide us.” And Mattis added in a sort of, I think, implicit swipe at his successor, the current Secretary of Defense Mark Esper, “We must reject any thinking of our cities as a battle space that our uniformed military is called upon to dominate.” And that word, of course, is exactly the one that Trump has tried to use to characterize his conduct. All right. Why does this happen now? I mean, we've had outrage after outrage that has passed with nary a peep from so many current and former advisers. What's going on and how important is it? 

Jennifer Rubin [00:35:07]: Well, I think part of what's going on is what I call the revolt of the generals. Suddenly, they were being asked to do something that the military culture, all of their training, all of their  thought process would reject. And that is the use of military force, disproportionate military force to suppress protests of unarmed civilians. And I think when that occurred, when suddenly they saw the chairman of the Joint Chiefs participating in this charade on Lafayette Park. When they saw the Secretary of Defense doing it. I suspect I don't have a particular inside information that when they got back to the Pentagon, they heard holy hell from the generals. This is not what they are trained to do. They are inculcated in the culture of civilian control. They do not want to be put in the position of firing upon, of policing Americans outside of something that is truly cataclysmic. This is an anathema to them. And I think what you saw slowly popping up before we heard from Mattis, actually, and then we even heard from John Kelly, the former head of DHS and the former chief of staff on Friday, was that some lower level people--the chief of staff of the Air Force, for example, those people were speaking out in ways that made it very clear that they wanted no part of this. And when that happened, I think everybody sort of looked around and said, ‘Yeah, we got to hang together on this.’ And it is a tribute to some degree to our military, which do not as Trump imagines favor the use of force. It's Trump who wants to use the military in all kinds of perverse ways. That's not our U.S. military. And for that, I think we should be very grateful this week.

Barbara McQuade [00:37:06]: There's a cascading of there's a cascading effect of these comments as well. I think that when someone like General Mattis speaks out, it gives license to others to speak out things that they might have been thinking but felt reluctant to say. And it's so important that people call this out to end it. I've think we've seen President Trump do these things before where he rules something out, he tosses out a trial balloon and waits to see which way the wind is blowing and then backs down. And so I think not only does it affect his likelihood of success at reelection in the polls, but it can also cause him to retreat in terms of engaging in dangerous behaviors. 

Roy L. Austen [00:37:39]: You also just can't ignore the fact that these are not particularly debatable points. The absolute inanity of having troops basically march on to peaceful protesters. And you see the images live on TV of striking them again with rubber bullets, with tear gas, with shields for what was a photo op. At the end of the day, any normal human being is at the end of their rope. There's no nuance. There's no question this isn't a close call. So, of course, at some point these folks are going to start speaking when you're telling them to be the protectors of this behavior. 

Harry Litman [00:38:18]: Do you think it caught Trump by surprise? He must have had a troubled relationship. But here he is, Mr. Strong arm talking about the military. And they say, ‘Well, maybe not.’ It makes him look really terrible, I think. Pulls out the rug from under him. Do you think he assumed that they were going to salute and be right behind him? 

Jennifer Rubin [00:38:40]: He absolutely assumed that he refers to them as his generals, which is an anathema to the military and to all of us. They are the military that have sworn an oath to the Constitution, not to Donald Trump. And I have no doubt that he was taken aback when they didn't all salute and follow his routine. If you remember, this sort of behavior happened during the campaign of 2016 when he started talking about committing war crimes and he started talking about bringing back torture and all of this stuff that the military wants no part of. And then it was, at the time, the respected by him. People like, Mattis, commanders who said, ‘No, no, no, we're not doing that.’ But he has no real idea of the military ethic keep. He is a weak man's idea of a strong man. He is a draft dodger idea of a military man. He doesn't appreciate honor, he doesn't appreciate the code of military conduct. He thinks this is all an exercise in bullying. And every time it comes back to him that, no, this is not what the military is about. This is not what they do, this is anathema to them. I think he is surprised because he never learns. He thinks that that's what military people want to do, that they live for killing. And in fact, that's not their job. Their job is to protect the United States and defend the Constitution. So I have no doubt that that took him by surprise and now he looks weak and cowering in his bunker or in creating a bunker all around the White House by that fencing. He looks scared. He looks small. And he doesn't have, quote, his generals that are going to endorse any of his crackpot ideas about going to war with the American people. 

Roy L. Austen [00:40:30] The only thing I would I would say with regard to what Jennifer just said, and I agree with all of it, is that to to be truly surprised or to to have it go a different way would require, like, he actually planned it to go a certain way or he planned what he was going to say. This is a person that doesn't think through what he's going to say. He just says it and hopes for the best and hopes that it riles people up, his people up. But he lacks any kind of even attempt or foresight. This is all just him speaking out loud and unfortunately, his inside voice is awful and so i his outside voices.  

Harry Litman [00:41:08]: Yeah, he does seem pretty tone deaf and it was said that the whole photo op was kind of a close hold and he and Ivanka planned it. And really nobody even thought to call the bishop. So now, the current defense secretary, Mark Esper, who I think Jan accurately described as having really gotten holy hell from the whole military culture, came out and distanced himself at first, but then he's kind of tiptoed back. You know, he was at the church with Trump and that and he was making it seem like, ‘Oh, he didn't really know what was going on.’ Are his days numbered in the Trump White House? Will he be purged? 

Jennifer Rubin [00:41:41]: Well, you never know how long these people are going to stay. I think. Former General Kelly, said it best on Friday when he said every relationship with Trump eventually goes bad. So whether he wants to make that change right now or that would seem to be even further disruptive to whatever he has in mind is unclear. I actually think at this point it would be a surprise if he fired Esper. And I think he would have some doubt about what Esper would say if he was fired. 

Harry Litman [00:42:08]: Yeah, I've got to say, I agree the cost of that of being crosswise with the military would be high. But certainly he was notably tepid in talking about Esper’s future-The White House secretary was. All right. Well, you know, the drama of this and the sort of sea change that you noted in different aspects brings us to a sort of final question. I hesitate even to frame it because we have this overwhelming  loosey Charlie Brown dynamic. Right. You know, how many times has the commentary that speculated we're finally at the event that breaks the back of Republican senators and wakes a large portion of Trump supporters to his venality and then somehow, he roars back as his base kind of circles around him. But, you know, are we, in fact, at an actual different point here, a very influential commentator wrote this week, ‘Something feels different. Increasingly, it feels that we collectively have concluded that President Trump is a tyrant whose rule must. Whose abuse of our fundamental rights has exceeded the limits of our collective patience’. And fortunately for us, that commentator is here. So what do you think, Jen Rubin? Are we truly at an inflection point? 

Jennifer Rubin [00:44:25]: I think we are. But I think people have to understand that history and change doesn't happen by unanimity. It happens at the margins. It happens gradually. It happens sporadically. You're not going to get all of these Republican senators, maybe any of them to publicly break. But the question is, whether ordinary Republicans who have kind of shuffled along and said, ‘Well, the economy has been good’--obviously, until now--’Well, we've got a bunch of judges that we really liked. Oh, but Hilary was worse.’ It's those sort of Republicans who can call them soft Republicans, Republicans of convenience who supported him. The question is whether those people finally break away. And there's some evidence there is. You're seeing remarkably awful polling from him of late where he's tied with Biden in Texas, where he is behind double digits nationally. Part of that comes because independents begin to choose sides. But part of that is you're eroding, eroding, eroding until you get down to the very core of the core base. That may beall he gets in November. So that is enough, of course, paring law's slicing off all of the less devout followers that allow for quite a cataclysmic election for the Republicans. And what they should be looking at is the Senate polling numbers are almost as bad as Trump's. You have people who were not considered to be in any danger, someone like Joni Ernst from Iowa who is now tied with her opponent. These were not on the Democrat's radar screen in their wildest dreams.

Barbara McQuade [00:45:16]: I live in a swing state here in Michigan and Michigan, went for President Trump in 2016. And I think the most compelling thing I have seen here that I think will move Michigan voters are these ads saying, are you better off today than you were four years ago, echoing the campaign slogan of Ronald Reagan. And when you look around us with unemployment and COVID and protests in the streets and the militarization of our police forces taking in response, the answer across the board has to be no. And I think people are just exhausted from all of the winning. It's time to get our country back to normal. And in Michigan, I think a big reason for Trump's success in 2016 is Hillary Clinton was not very popular. She didn't work very hard here. She didn't campaign hard here. And the blue-collar workers felt left behind by her brand of politics. You know, they saw her in her very fancy pants suits talking to members of the board at Goldman Sachs. Joe Biden resonates with them in a way she did not. And I think he will win in Michigan, in places like Pennsylvania and Wisconsin in overwhelming fashion. 

Roy L. Austen [00:46:18]: I want Jenn and Barb to be right more than anybody else, as a civil rights attorney and as an African-American man. But I have to tell you that I remain fearful because number one, these things always go on a roller coaster. He may be down now, but there's going to be a pickup, like today's job numbers, are something that surprised a lot of people. On top of that, the Republicans have no choice but to support him. The Republicans certainly in the Senate, in the House, and they're going to keep fighting on his behalf-- they simply have no choice. We saw Rakowski give the strongest statement that I've heard from anyone since Jeff Flake about him, and she is being taken to task for that, promise to be primaried and what's not. So I just want to say that and we don't know what's going to happen with all the voter legislation that's going around right now. The attempts to suppress the vote are enormous. So, until people actually go out there and vote and vote against him, he remains a very powerful figure. And I think it's going to be very difficult to unseat him. 

Harry Litman [00:47:13]: I mean, he has been quite the escape artist hasn't he. Do you see any scenario if the general polling looks like they're going to lose the Senate and Mitch McConnell will loseaApparently the only thing he cares about, which is the position of majority leader. Any chance he fishes and cuts bait or they, you know, to mix metaphors connected at the hip now through November, no matter what? 

Jennifer Rubin [00:47:37]: I think what will happen is if these numbers continue, that come around October 15 or so, and this is when this happened once before in another very different context. Republicans start making the argument to voters, you need a check on Joe Biden. In other words, they will sort of cut Trump loose, stop assuming he will be the president and present themselves as, you know, the only thing standing between Joe Biden and socialism or whatever it is. And it's when that happens that they implicitly throw Trump overboard. And this has happened before. This usually happens in a House race when the House and Senate look like it's being pulled down and they suddenly pull out the benefits of divided government. But that won't happen until October, if it happens at all. 

Harry Litman [00:48:30]: The president has this just just perpetually stunning indifference to telling the truth and contradicting himself, but that that has a bit come home to roost because you've probably seen ads now, not just from the Biden camp, but also from Republican never-Trumpers. You put them back to back the things he said about the virus, the things he said here and it and it makes him look like an absolute inept disgrace. But, of course, you know, I drank the Kool-Aid before he even was elected and as Roy says, we've been wrong before. But this is something we'll really be following with some sense of hope. All right. I think that's what we have time for now. What a week and a really great discussion. Thanks to everyone. 

We end now with our normal final feature of five words or fewer. 

Our question today comes from Robert Ecker, who asks: If Trump orders the military to attack peaceful protesters can they refuse? Feds, five words or fewer please. You know the rules. 

Roy L. Austen [00:49:37]: All right, here we go. Absolutely. And they should. 

Harry Litman [00:49:40]: Nice a word, a word leftover. Barb? 

Barbara McQuade [00:49:42]: Yes. Must refuse illegal orders. 

Jennifer Rubin [00:39:46]: Yes, under the military code. 

Harry Litman [00:49:53]: Oh, I will slightly temper it by saying, but must be manifestly unlawful. 

Thank you very much to Roy, Barb and Jen. And thank you very much, listeners, for tuning in to talking feds. If you like what you've heard, please tell a friend to subscribe to us on Apple podcast or wherever they get their podcasts and please take a moment to rate and review this podcast. You can follow us on Twitter @TalkingFedsPod to find out about future episodes and other Fed related content. And you can check us out on the Web TalkingFed's.com, where we have full episode transcripts. Or on Patreon, where we post discussions about special topics exclusively for supporters to thank them for paying five dollars a month to help us pay for the podcast. We have some really great discussions there. I just wanted to say they're not simply outtakes, but original one on ones. So just now, you'll find a discussion with Ellie Hoenig about the new charges in Minnesota, a discussion with Matt Schwartz, who wrote a very telling profile of the attorney general, Bill Barr in the New York Times magazine. And we'll be talking about that and just keep checking the Patreon t in for really original content as well as, by the way, ad free episodes. Submit your questions to questions at TalkingFed's.com. Whether it's for five words or fewer or general questions about the inner workings of the legal system for our sidebar segments. Thanks for tuning in. And don't worry, as long as you need answers, the Feds will keep talking. 

Talking Feds is produced by Jennifer Bassett and Rebecca Lopatin. Justin Wright, is our editor. David Lieberman and Rosie Don Griffin are our contributing writers. Andrea Carla Michaels is consulting producer and production assistants Sam Trachtenberg and Ayo Osobamiro. Thanks very much to comedian and actor Lewis Black for teaching us about the circumstances where the government can dismiss charges, as it attempted to do in the Michael Flynn case. Our gratitude, as always, to the amazing Philip Glass, who graciously lets us use his music. Talking Feds is a production of Deledio LLC. I'm Harry Litman. See you next time. 



Groundhog Day or Memorial Day?

Harry Litman: Welcome to Talking Feds, a round table that brings together prominent former federal officials and special guests for a dynamic discussion of the most important legal and political topics of the day. I'm Harry Litman. Happy Memorial day. Remember how the country was going to be opened up and raring to go by Easter?

Well, here's where things stand as we hit the traditional beginning of summer: The country is quickly verging on 100,000 deaths, about 30% of the worldwide total. A new study by the Columbia School of Public Health estimates that over a third of those US deaths would have been avoided, had we not dithered for so long before initiating social distancing.

The disease and death toll moreover is much more severe among people of color. African Americans and Latinos are about three times as likely as Whites to know someone who has died of the virus. On the economic side, we're approaching 40 million jobless claims and record mortgage default rates. Top economists advise that we are in such a deep economic trough that we may never fully dig ourselves out.

That's a snapshot of today, but this week also saw the country looking backwards and ahead. Backwards toward the endless Groundhog Day replay of the Michael Flynn case and the circumstances of his lying in January of 2017 to the FBI and forwards to November and the election as the Trump administration began to show its playbook for November with allegations of voter fraud in Michigan and elsewhere.

To discuss these and other events, we have a terrific panel of not just returning, but charter feds, former prosecutors, all but with rich additional government and experience who are more than well-known to listeners of this podcast. They are first. Paul Fishman, currently a partner at Arnold and Porter. The former US attorney for the district of New Jersey and long-time AUSA there. And he also had a distinguished career in the Department of Justice in Washington where he was the principal associate deputy attorney general or PADAG. Which I learned quickly, basically meant he had rights to sort of call the shots for anything and everything.

Paul, welcome back.

Paul Fishman: Well, it's nice to be back, but every time I come, Harry, you make me sound even more important than I did last time.

Harry Litman: Keep coming. Keep coming. Barb McQuade, the former United States attorney and assistant us attorney in the Eastern district of Michigan. A current MSNBC legal analyst and professor at the university of Michigan Law school.

Thanks for being here, Barb.

Barbara McQuade: Oh, you bet. Harry. Thanks very much for welcoming me back.

Harry Litman: And Maya Wiley, the university professor at the New School, a civil rights attorney, legal analyst for NBC news and MSNBC, and previously an assistant US attorney in the Southern district of New York and counsel to New York city Mayor Bill de Blasio. Maya, thanks for returning.

Maya Wiley: It's great to be here, Harry, particularly with another boomer.

Harry Litman: You've been talking to my kids. Okay. Um, you know, we are pretty good friends and, and the virus has been a time for checking in and we really haven't done it for a while. Let's just take a minute or two.

How is, how's everybody doing? Are people fed up, hanging in there pretty well? How's the virus treating everyone in your various states of, I believe New York, New Jersey, and Michigan.

Maya Wiley: Wow. And we're all in epicenters.

Paul Fishman: New Jersey is finally starting to flatten the curve, but what's really sort of disturbing actually is that the number of people who are dying at home and not from COVID jump dramatically because people apparently are really afraid to go to the doctor and they're really afraid to go to the hospital when they need to and so the number of EMT calls in which they've actually called it a death has dramatically jumped, which has been a terrible thing. And the other thing that a friend of mine said, you know, if you took a heat scan in terms of how tempers are fraying and sort of went house to house, his suspicion isn't, the temperature in that way is starting to rise.

Harry Litman: Yeah. That's my sense generally, especially if you don't mind my saying so on the East coast where people are like, ‘okay, enough of this, we've hung in there. Okay, but we want out.’

Paul Fishman: Right. I think that'll change, obviously with the weather getting better and being able to get outside more.

Harry Litman: Barb and Maya, any observations about life with the virus.

Maya Wiley: Part of the struggle that I think is a very big part of the reality in New York city is for those of us who have space, who are not in overcrowded conditions, who have access to the Internet, who have paychecks have been extremely lucky and unfortunately a shrinking group of people. And I worry a lot, both about the fact that we're basically doing fine in my household because we have all those things and to Paul's point, one of the things that we're saying is that we have had an undercount of deaths due to COVID and COVID complications because people have been dying at home. And also that, you know, we have seen other aspects of communities start to come outside as the weather gets nice of unfortunately, some very disturbing videos about where and how enforcement of restrictions is playing out based on the demographics of the community.

Harry Litman: Let's move to that if you don't mind. I wanted to touch on a couple virus related stories, including racial disparities. You've made this point about law enforcement issues, but then just more basically we're learning in more and more States back to Michigan and Barb, I know that the African American community is about 14% of the population, but 40% of the deaths, and that seems to be happening generally, that people of color are bearing a disproportionate brunt of the really serious impacts. What's going on there? Why is that happening and is there something we need or should be doing now or is it sort of structural and at least for these few weeks insoluble?

Barbara McQuade: Well, I think here in Michigan, for anybody who has lived in the state or understands the disparities that exist, it's, it's maybe not surprising that we're seeing this difference in fatalities in COVID, but I think maybe there is a silver lining here in that it is shining a light for the world to see that when you have poor access to health care and when you have disproportionate poverty rates and unemployment rates and other things,it is going to hit those communities harder. And so, I'm hopeful that as a result of this, maybe we'll do some things to take action. I think it's a problem that's easy to ignore in good times. And then I think in bad times, like now, it puts this contrast into stark relief. Our Lieutenant governor, Garlin Gilchrist, is heading a task force to explore these disparities and make some recommendations and I'm hopeful that when we come out of it, perhaps we will have some long-term solutions to help address the healthcare disparities that exist in our state. 

Maya Wiley: You know, from the New York perspective--I mean, I absolutely agree with Barb on the opportunity here to find and forge a new political will to address long standing issues that are definitely the children of policy decisions that disinvested in low income communities of color and in many instances created them. And, and I say this because every single crisis that we experienced in this country, whether it's Hurricane Katrina in the Gulf coast, Hurricane Sandy here in New York, the Great recession, which hit African American and Latino communities and native American communities at a much greater rate and with a much slower recovery. It's every single disaster that we have points out the same disparities every single time. And it's always the same policy decisions and history of policy decisions that are, you know, the underpinning. And I'm just going to use one example in the context of COVID is the fact that we had in the news, many people saw that there were particular hospitals and they were public hospitals that were really, you know, struggles for hospitals across the board, certainly. But in particular, the hospitals that were at crisis point, at breaking point were public. And in some instances there was bed census available beds in private hospitals in other parts of the city that is, and they are racially identifiable patient populations. There is certainly a structural reason for that, but even in the context of an emergency, there's a psychological barrier to where and how we see the opportunity to pitch in and solve a problem in the immediate term because, because there's so little connection and advance thinking about how we share those resources. If we don't start to recognize that we don't get treated the same way when we pick up the phone and make a call about our healthcare, then we're not going to solve the problem.

Paul Fishman: I'm now very steeped in representing people in long-term care industry—nursing homes. And there's been some very interesting studies done by a professor at Brown, Dr. Moore, that the highest rates of infection and death in nursing homes had actually, in the end, nothing to do with the star rating of the nursing home. It had nothing to do with a bunch of other factors except that the incidence was highest in the largest nursing homes, in the most densely populated urban areas, and that basically there's a huge correlation between the incidents of the disease in the County in which those nursing homes are located. So if you have people of color, and if people of color are economically disadvantaged as they, as the statistics show. Then they're more likely to rely on public transportation and more likely to be in the kinds of living environments that Maya was talking about earlier. And as a result, you're just going to create an environment in which it's much harder to do social distancing and in which something like COVID is going to spread much more rapidly.

Harry Litman: Yeah. That, I mean, that seems to me to be a really big part of it. I guess the latest thinking is that it's really person to person more than surfaces that are culprits here, and so population density matters. A couple other things that seem pretty evident to me. People of color are more often going to be the kind of front line workers that we insist on continuing to work during the crisis. Don't have the luxury as everybody on this call does have of working at home and their laptop. And then I think COVID strikes disproportionately at people with certain underlying conditions like hypertension or diabetes, and those strike bigger up communities of color. And the question is whether there's something to be done in the concrete and the virus times, or are we limited to just this opportunity for public awareness of what's going on. There was one other virus story I did want to touch on.

It seems that we have, maybe this has to do with Paul's heat spectral count from house to house, but we're getting some really broad lawsuits now to basically strip state governments of the power to issue shelter in place orders. A big one was just, I think, denied yesterday in Michigan, Barb, in your home state. So I wonder if you could both speak to that, but also what's going on here? Is this just our litigious ways and people getting a little fed up, or is there some more of an organized movement behind them? 

Barbara McQuade: I think there've been four lawsuits now brought against Governor Gretchen Whitmer for allegedly exceeding her authority as governor in stay at home orders, and they've all been rejected. I've read the lawsuits, you know the complaints themselves, they strike me as weak.

They've been brought on behalf of business owners and our Republican led legislature. And the arguments are of a couple of varieties. I mean, one is, ‘You're violating my constitutional rights by ordering me to stay at home.’ As we all know, no constitutional right is absolute and going back to that case of Jacobson versus Massachusetts from 1905 where the Supreme Court held that as long as there is a reasonable and necessary basis for public health reason—in that instance, a smallpox outbreak, uh, you know, COVID is right on all fours with that—that as long as an order is reasonable, it's generally going to be upheld. And so the constitutional arguments have failed. The other argument, in Michigan has been that Governor Whitmer has exceeded her statutory authority, and of course that's going to be different in all 50 States.

But in Michigan, the authority is really quite broad. There's a 1945 statute that says that the governor shall have the power to declare emergencies and to issue orders necessary to control, uh, the emergency until it is over. And so there has been an argument that it exceeds the separation of powers within the state constitution because only the legislature can issue laws and they delegated that power to her.

They have the power if they want to, to pass a new law by a veto proof majority. And I don't think they're able to do that. So, most of those orders have been rejected. We've had, as you know, some protests at our state Capitol, sometimes with people who are armed. It's a small group, but they're getting a lot of visibility. In Michigan at the moment at least. There's no prohibition of open carry at the state Capitol. But it was a really scary scene.

Some lawmakers were wearing bulletproof vests when they were voting on an order to extend the emergency orders. So, there's a lot of chaos there. But if you look at the polling data, something like 76% support Governor Witmer's orders, which some characterized as extreme, but I don't think there are any different from the orders that are going on in New York or New Jersey or California or other places where the outbreak has been high.

And it's been high in Michigan, we have the third highest number of deaths. So the legal arguments are being rejected. I think it's actually a small faction that opposes the stay at home orders and one gets the feeling that they are politically motivated in an effort to draw a wedge between red and blue and to push our governor into anti-Trump mode. But she doesn't take the bait. She says she's going to follow the data and do what she needs.

Harry Litman: She’s a cool customer, isn't she?

Barbara McQuade: Yep, she is. She's done an excellent job. I feel that I'm in good hands with Governor Whitmer.

Maya Wiley: You know, one of the things that's interesting about this one, what is obvious is Donald Trump himself has stoked people to fight and oppose these restrictions, even though they're based in recommendations and guidance that have come from the Centers for Disease Control and other health experts.

But these instances of individuals who were suing. So, you have this man in Colorado who was a restaurant cook, who lost his job as a cook, which was obviously a horrible thing. And we're seeing far too many people losing paychecks. And that's something the federal government can do something about with some paycheck support during this crisis as businesses are closed.

But what this man chose to do was bring a lawsuit against the state claiming a constitutional taking of his wages as a result of restricting the operation of restaurants, because as enclosed places, they were clearly going to be a danger to folks. And there was another one in Texas in which a couple was refusing to pay attention to some of the restrictions. So, I think we're also seeing individuals who are taking the cues from Donald Trump that there is something wrong with restrictions, even as public health experts are saying that these have been the kinds of things that have helped us flatten that curve and create the best hope of us getting back to a normal economy. [16:00]

Because we've created the way to ensure that people can work and be in public safely. I think that it's very clear that it is also a direct message to individuals that somehow their rights are being violated when, as Barb said, not really, not necessarily.

Harry Litman: Yeah. Or they are, I mean, this is what's bizarre about it. We've seen a whole raft of suits, especially in the free exercise religion area, and then in the gun rights area. And they always begin with, we've got constitutional rights here. And of course they do have constitutional rights here, as do all of us. There's all kinds of constitutionally protected activity that we'd be doing every day, but tor the situation. But as you say, it's well established that this is the situation and there needs to be an argument. This is a little bit aside, but he's now suggested that the entire country should decide that certain religious services are essential and have a one size fits all notion there. 

Maya Wiley: Well, and Barr saying that he was going to open investigations into whether state restrictions were violating constitutional rights. And you know, certainly at least in one case, there may be a good claim that there has been discrimination based on religion.

Harry Litman: Sure. If they treat them differently.

Maya Wiley: If they treat them differently in terms of how the restrictions—right. But that's really the legal question. Are people being treated differently, say, because of their religious practice versus that it is an unsafe activity.

Paul Fishman: But this is where their tactics are in some sense of spectacularly clever and devious is really the word I'm thinking about. The President can stand in the White House and pronounce, ‘We have to have these restrictions. We have to do all this stuff’, but then almost like Henry the Second he then encouraged this view that you should go protest and you should go file a lawsuit. And if the lawsuits win, then that's great for him. If they lose that, he blames the courts, right? So in so many ways it's a very clever, but as I said, devious strategy to pretend that he's doing the right thing while encouraging people to do the wrong thing.

Harry Litman: And it's the federal government, and especially Bill Barr and Trump sure seem, big on rattling sabers with powers that, you know, they don't have. Federalism has gone out the window. And the notion that this is largely in the police power and of different states, you wouldn't know it from some of the proclamations that suggest if they don't all fall into line, whenever that means we're going to be bringing out the big guns, but they don't really have big guns to bring out.

Paul Fishman: The church thing is a perfect example though. He said, “Everybody, everybody can go to church on Sunday. I direct the governors.” Well, he doesn't have that power, right? It's just that it's just not the way it works. But so if people go and they're turned away, it will be not the President's fault because he wants everybody to worship.

Barbara McQuade: Paul, you hit on it. A lot of this is just propaganda strategy, which President Trump is masterful at. I mean, I think all of this stuff about criticizing governors for staying shut down is also a way to deflect blame about the economy. So if the economy is bad in November, he can say it's because  those governors all kept their economies closed when I was urging reopening. So, it is a brilliant strategy. You know, heads I win, tails you lose.

Maya Wiley: Yep, exactly.

Barbara McQuade: But really irresponsible leadership,

Harry Litman: Alright. Let's, switch gears to the ever-fascinating—I guess one way to put it--let's go back to before the Trump administration even was sworn into office and the Michael Flynn case. So we have this really high stakes showdown brewing between the Department on the one hand, aligned with Michael Flynn saying, we want to dismiss it and judge Emmet Sullivan thinking, we're not sure what, but he's at least appointed someone to try to make the arguments that Department won't make. We had a late-breaking development on this yesterday, that's bizarre as any other developments in this scenario. The DC circuit, the court above Solomon has taken a sort of mandamus request from Flynn himself and given Sullivan 10 days to write a brief, if I understand it correctly, to respond to the question whether he has to grant DOJ’s request to dismiss the prosecution before he's done any evidence before he's done any kind of consideration of what's up before he's heard from the parties below. Has anyone ever heard of anything like this? Assigning a judge to write a brief and doing it before the cases even started.

Paul Fishman: There have been instances in which judges have been called to account and sometimes they've hired counsel to prepare briefs for them in the courts of appeals. But what I can't figure out is why this has mandamus, because let's assume that judge Sullivan, if he just ultimately dismisses the prosecution, then game over. If on the other hand, he doesn't dismiss the prosecution, then the next thing for him to do would be to sentence Michael Flynn. He gets sentenced. And then this is clearly an appealable issue at that point, so I'm not, it's not clear to me what the jurisdictional hook was for the court to grant that.

Harry Litman: Explain briefly for listeners what mandamus is and when you're supposed to be able to get it.

Paul Fishman: It's an extraordinary writ when a judge needs to be ordered to do something that is really beyond the pail of what's legal. And traditionally the way the criminal justice system and the civil justice system work in an orderly way is that there's something, something's not appealable immediately because there's not a final order of final judgment. And if they're—the harm that you're trying to avoid wouldn't occur until later, you just let the case proceed. And when the judge enters, in this case, his final order, then somebody gets to appeal. So, it's a little strange. Now the case that the DC circuit cited in asking him to do that was a case in which they took an interlocutory appeal. But that was an appeal from an order by the judge not to do something. So this is a little, it's a little strange procedurally, I think in that way.

Barbara McQuade: Also, as you said, Paul, the standard is requiring a court to enforce a known legal right when there's no question about what the issue is. And I think there's a substantial question here about what the law requires. The rule itself says that an indictment can't be dismissed without leave of court. There is a case out of the DC circuit that held that a court did not have the power to reject non-prosecution agreement where both parties agreed to it.

But you know, in this instance it's something quite different. And I also know, Harry, that although the order does talk about the judge's decision about whether to grant or deny the motion to dismiss, it doesn't say anything about the other matter for which Judge Sullivan has appointed John Gleason to be his amicus. And that is determining whether Michael Flynn has committed perjury or contempt by, on the one hand, admitting in open court that he lied and then later submitting an affidavit saying he didn't lie. Not as to the legal conclusion, this materiality, but the factual question of whether he did or did not lie. And so it's interesting that I think that even if the court of appeals were to say, this is not a matter, you can reject—the motion to dismiss. I think that question of perjury and contempt is still going to be out there.

Harry Litman: That's interesting. So even if that happens, Gleason still writes his brief, but he's dealing with perjury under rule 42. Nobody can quibble with that. I mean, it's a little bit of a strange situation that he is able to appoint a prosecutor, but it's right there in rule 42 and it would be quite a stretch for a higher court to somehow say it's improper.

Maya Wiley: I want to go back to just how, not only bizarre this is for an appellate court to do this at this stage, but a reminder of the facts that are underlying this, which is that Flynn admitted to this not once, but twice.

This is the person who was the head of the Defense Intelligence Agency, and he's not clear on what perjury is. It's just patently ridiculous when he was offered a sweetheart deal of a plea, essentially, because he was probably going to walk away with no jail time or very, very little jail time, if any. So I think that part of what I find so shocking about this, in addition to the legal points, is one of the judges on this panel was one that so many court watchers had very strong opposition to because her views were so extreme.

And that's Judge Raugh and just one example that's not about procedure, but some of her views were so extreme that this is a person who even supported and defended this horrific practice called dwarf tossing, which even brought the disability community out in opposition to her appointment for the bench.

Harry Litman: And she's a Trump appointee, right?

Maya Wiley: And she's a Trump appointee. And she was one of the people who was sort of at the top of the list of nominees to oppose for both the civil rights community and a lot of court watchers who worried about both qualified judges, who were going to be judicious in every sense of that word. And that includes the temperament to do exactly what you all are talking about right now is to step back and say, well, no, we're not getting pulled into this right now, there's a serious process underway. This deserves some scrutiny. We won't say right now whether it is or is not appropriate and I think my concern is this is yet another kind of event that undermines the public confidence in critical institutions of government, and that includes the independence of the bench.

Barbara McQuade: Can I say one thing just about the merits of this issue as well? Think about the question that's before the court. It is whether under rule 48 a judge has any power whatsoever to decide whether to grant or deny a motion to dismiss when the government brings it. It is the government that has the sole power. Now, ordinarily  under separation of powers, we defer a lot to the prosecution to make these decisions because we don't want the judiciary forcing prosecutors to bring or not bring certain kinds of cases. They have that power. But I think once it gets into the court after there's a guilty plea and all that remains is sentencing, you are in a very different posture because there's not much for the government to do.

They could not even show up in our state courts. Sometimes the prosecutors don't even show up to sentencing. So, the ball is really in the judges court. And imagine a hypothetical scenario where the worst situation you can imagine. What if the government's motion said, ‘we would like to dismiss the case against Michael Flynn because he is a friend of the President’s and the President doesn't want his friends to go to jail. Would we say that the court has no power to deny that motion? I don't think so. And so what's the difference here? 

Paul Fishman: It's interesting Barb that you say that because there's the case of the DC circuit that the DC circuit itself cited when it asked judge Sullivan to respond as a case called Fokker services. And in that case, the government had worked out a deferred prosecution agreement.

The only question that the district court judge in that case had to decide was whether to stop the speedy trial time from running. And so that was an even more ministerial decision. But in talking about the deference that a judge should give to the decision of the executive branch of prosecutor, not to pursue a case any longer. The court said something I think is quite striking and something that I think will come back in the context of this case. The court said, the presumption of regularity applies to prosecutorial decisions and in the absence of clear evidence to the contrary, courts presume the prosecutors have properly discharged their official duties.’

And I wonder whether judge Sullivan overplayed his hand just a little bit. If he had just waited for everybody to show up and had said to the government, “I don't get it. Explain it to me.” And if he had said “That seems not okay to me”, and then rejected it, he might've had a better record going in instead of asking for time with the views of amicus briefs and the like.

Harry Litman: That was one of the main contentions in the Flynn motion that went to mandamus by a very hot headed, and tempestuous attorney that he's turned to. But supposedly we're hearing it's completely improper for him to have appointed an amicus at all in a criminal case. Does that hold water? I know it's unusual. We're in a situation where, as you say, something seems potentially awry and there's nobody there to represent the views of what would have been the United States in maintaining the prosecution. I know it may be not very frequent, but isn't it impeccable to actually do, or do they have a good point there that it's just too funky?

Paul Fishman: It's not unheard of for a court to appoint an amicus to argue a view that the court does not think will be adequately addressed. And it happens actually in front of the Supreme Court when, for example, that the administration changes as it did here and the Trump administration as it did here, reversed the government's position in an unprecedented number of cases, actually, across the country. And the court wanted to hear the other side. And did at points at amicus to adequately express those views. So I think that is not so unusual. It is a little unusual in the context of a criminal case in which the views of an amicus are actually quite rare. But I think, if you read as Barb pointed out what Judge Sullivan did, he asked a former judge Gleeson to help him determine whether Michael Flynn should be prosecuted for perjury or contempt. That is—that rule 42 clearly gives the judge the power to do that. Ordinarily, when somebody lies in front of a district court judge and the judge is annoyed, the judge calls the United States attorney.

And says, so writes a letter that says, “I'm referring this to you. Please take a look.” That can't happen here. Right? Because we already know where the US attorney's office stands on this case. And so there have been situations in which judges have gone outside the Department of Justice to do that. It's a procedure that has been rejected in some courts. It's been accepted in some courts, and it's just not clear the extent to which you can bring in a private party to prosecute a criminal offense against an individual. Now, Judge Sullivan, of course, could on his own say, he said X to me on Tuesday. He said, Y to me on Thursday? Those two things are inconsistent. There has been a perjury, and I'm going to hold them in contempt without anybody prosecuted. He has the authority to do that, so it's a little unclear how this will come out for those reasons.

Maya Wiley: Yeah, and I think we should remember that one of the reasons Gleeson is the person that Judge Sullivan appointed is that Gleeson was one of three who have served as judges, who made the argument that this was a requirement of the judge, and not to appoint Gleeson, but to have a hearing and examine whether the interests of the People were being served.

And remember that the Department of Justice had asked that the charges be dropped with prejudice. Meaning, if more information were forthcoming in the future and there was a new administration in office, they couldn't resurrect the charges. And one outcome from this may be that Judge Sullivan says “I’ll dismiss it, but without prejudice”, so that there is an opportunity for this to continue to play out. We don't know what he'll do, but I just say that because it seems to me, to your point, Harry, it was impeccable because he also was pretty much saying to the public, “I have to sit here as an independent arbiter, so I'm not going to make the arguments and I am going to have someone else so that I can sit in here, all sides and have the information brought and presented to me, and then I can make a decision as an independent arbiter.”

Harry Litman: And by the way, a splendid choice. Gleeson was a judge's judge, but before that he was a lawyer's lawyer. He prosecuted John Gotti among others, and he’s very widely respected. Just one more question here. I mean, the practical impact of this possible mandamus would be to preempt the evidentiary hearing that Maya, you just mentioned. That's really what that op-ed was saying. You can develop the facts that does seem very odd and unsound that you can't even develop the facts, but what's the sort of up shot for the government? How much do they want to avoid an evidentiary hearing? What are the prospects for embarrassment or a sort of ugly record if there is an evidentiary hearing?

Barbara McQuade: Imagine if you can, a Department of Justice with integrity might take a moment.

Harry: We’re closing our eyes.]

Paul Fishman: I remember that

Barbara McQuade: One of the reasons that we defer to the executive branch, other than, you know, constitutional separation of powers, is there things known in the executive branch that cannot be publicly shared. And so although we know some classified information that has been declassified, it could be that there is a good reason not to disclose the underlying phone calls. For example, in this case between Flynn and Kislyak, we haven't seen them. I think that there've been so many things that have been politically motivated and disingenuous in this administration that is difficult to assume good faith on the part of the Department of Justice. But there are times when prosecutions have the plug pulled, even though they are righteous prosecutions because the intelligence equities are just not worth the conviction. I’ve had that happen in my own cases where we needed to use particular witnesses or evidence to prove up a case, and the intelligence community said no. Now, I never doubted their good faith. I might have disagreed with their decision, but I knew that they had the best interest of the country at heart when they were making those decisions about what can and cannot be disclosed. 

And so, there could be good intelligence reasons that they don't want to pursue this case and reveal additional classified information. On the other hand, there could be politically embarrassing things that could be disclosed as a result of this. They don't want John Gleeson, for instance, poking around and finding out about internal communications or deliberative decisions. Were there things said between white house counsel and William Barr about, we need to make this case go away? So I think there are potentially valid reasons to prevent further inquiry and also potentially political smoking guns that could be revealed.

Paul Fishman: Let me make two quick points. First of all, this is not the time, first time that Judge Sullivan has done something like this, right? In the wake of the prosecution of Senator Ted Stevens of Alaska, when there were allegations of prosecutorial misconduct for the teams having failed to turn over exculpatory evidence to the defense.

You know, Judge Sullivan appointed a very prominent criminal defense lawyer in Washington and got Hank Schulte to do an investigation for Judge Sullivan. And that investigation was done and the report was published. And so he's done this, he's gone to the well once before. The second is keying off the distinction that you made before, which is one, what's the reason for the government to be dismissing this case?

And two, did Flynn lie to me? My understanding was, the way Gleason's appointment was structured was it didn't really have anything to do with point 1. Right? Why the government was going to dismiss the case? I mean, I think Bill Barr was pretty clear. He said, we just don't think that this in the investigation was appropriate. It shouldn't have interviewed him. It wasn't material. And there are lots of reasons why that is not a correct answer. But, it seems like Gleeson was asked to figure it out, whether Flynn lied to and that would not be so complicated. And the last point I'll make is that interestingly, and perhaps ironically, and maybe intentionally, when John Gleason was a district court judge in Brooklyn, trial judge, there was a deferred prosecution that was presented to him. A deferred prosecution is the complaint gets filed against a corporation and the corporation promises to do some things over the next number of years. And if they do, then the government dismisses the case against the corporation at the end of that good behavior. There was a case that was brought against the bank, HSBC, in that court. The case was this time to Judge Gleeson and Judge Gleeson started to ask a lot of questions about whether that DPA was an appropriate resolution of the case and the like. So he is somebody who believes that if a case is in front of a judge, that judge does have more authority than the DC circuit's opinion in the Fokker case seems to give.

Maya Wiley: I just don't want to lose the fact that politically, what's so important about dropping charges against Flynn? It's all political, right?

So if you have Donald Trump in March suggesting he's strongly considering pardoning Flynn, but there, there's obviously some political challenge to do that. And then you have now in May, the department of justice doing a complete turnaround on a prosecution that came out of a very thoughtful and very, you know, I would say critically important investigation into Russian election interference where Flynn was playing a direct role in communicating with a Russian ambassador in transition before they're in the White House on sanctions that the Obama administration had announced because of election interference. It's really hard for the American public to hear, I think, that there's not a relationship between an attack on the basis for the investigation in the first place and whether or not dropping these charges is politically motivated.

Harry Litman: A lot of twists and turns here. It seems to be accelerating. It'll be very interesting to see what the DC circuit says and if it really does try to come out of the box and just say, categorically forget a hearing. Forget anything. You just have to accept the DOJ's conclusion. All right, well, that's to keep a close eye on.

It's time now for our sidebar segment, when we explain some of the terms and relationships that are foundational to events in the news but that aren't necessarily explained. Team Trump has lately made a loud protest about the quote unmasking close quote of Michael Flynn by Obama administration officials during the transition period. So what is unmasking, and is it sinister or unusual

To tell us about that we are very happy twelcome John Cho. John is well known for his roles in the Harold and Kumar franchise, the Star Trek movies, Selfie, and most recently Searching for which he was nominated for best male lead by the Independent Spirit awards. His work has inspired the hashtag starring John Cho movement, which pushes for more representation of Asian Americans in TV and film. So I give you John Cho and the question: What is an unmasking?

John Cho: President Trump and his allies have recently accused a number of Obama era officials, including Joe Biden, of participating in the unmasking of national security advisor designate Michael Flynn during the final months of the Obama administration. 

Unmasking is a term used by the intelligence community to denote the revealing of the identity of a US person who is referred to but not identified in electronic surveillance of foreign entities. Intelligence agencies such as the National Security Agency routinely spy on foreign citizens and agents.

In the process, they may incidentally collect information about US persons who are not the targets of investigation. For example, because the US person is discussed on the intercepted communication or is a party to the communication. When that happens, the agency implements minimization procedures to avoid revealing extraneous information.

In particular, it masks identifying information about US citizens, reports of the communication. Thus might refer to the US person as US per one. Unmasking can occur for a few reasons. Most notably, if the identity of the us per is necessary to understand the foreign intelligence information or assess its importance, there is a procedure for unmasking it.

Certain national security officials can make a request to the collecting agency accompanied by a written justification to reveal the identity of the USper. The collecting agency then determines whether to grant the request based largely on one, the relevance of the person's identity to a valid investigative intelligence or foreign policy concern, and two the validity of the requesters need to know unmasking requests are common and lawful.

In 2016, the Obama administration filed about 9,200 that number nearly doubled to about 17,000 in the first year of the Trump administration. It returned to about 10,000 the following year. It has been reported that unmasking requests of incidental communications allowed the FBI to stop a terrorist plot targeting the New York City subway system and uncover an Al Qaeda cell in Kansas city, Missouri. For Talking Feds, I'm John Cho. And I understood everything I just read.

Harry Litman: Thanks very much to John Cho. You can catch him on the upcoming Netflix show Cowboy Bebop, and I also recommend his recent op ed in the LA times: Coronavirus Reminds Asian Americans like Me that Our Belonging is Conditional, which was published April 22nd.

[Commercial Break]

Harry Litman: Alright. I thought we could turn now to the obvious advent of the election season in the sense that at least the President is beginning to rattle sabers again with different states. So back to Michigan. I don't know why Michigan, while I guess I do know why, because it's such a battleground state, but there is the most recent example.

He has asserted that the secretary of state improperly passed out ballots to everyone. Of course, as it turned out, it was only applications. But what's going on here? I mean, he had to know that was a false strategy. Is he trying to make people believe it? What seems to be Trump and the Republican’s approach to this, well, I'll call it a canard of massive voter fraud around the country.

Barbara McQuade: Well, I've been giving some thought to this, Harry, because I live here in Michigan, and as you said, it's perfectly lawful for the secretary of state to send out these applications for absentee ballots in Michigan. In November of 2018, there was a ballot initiative where voters approved no excuse, absentee voting for any reason at all. We had had in the past for limited reasons, like if you were over a certain age and out of your district on the day of the election. But now for whatever reason, in an effort to make voting easier, uh, the voters approve that. So there's nothing wrong with our secretary of state sending out those applications. And her theory was during COVID, it's particularly important that we give people the opportunity to request an absentee ballot so they don't have to choose between voting and staying safe. And so to come out and get on Twitter and say this is illegal and that she's a rogue secretary of state, and these kinds of things is an effort to perpetuate this idea that vote by mail increases voter fraud.

Now that the facts say it does not, Oregon has been doing it for years and the fraud rate is infinitesimal and no greater than voting in person. So, I don't think there's any truth to that. And it also appears that voting by mail doesn't necessarily favor Democrats, that it would be just as likely to favor Republicans because it appeals to an older demographic.

And so what's the reason? I think the reason is just laying the groundwork so that if he is to lose the election, he can say that the election was rigged. ‘See, I told you for a month that this vote by mail was all a sham and sure enough…’ and so it will be one of many basis he will use if and when he's defeated in the election. That's my theory anyway.

Harry Litman: Even in the last election, am I not right? He actually said he was defrauded out of many millions of votes.

Barbara McQuade: Bus loads of immigrants in New Hampshire who came and voted, he said though it was never documented in any way.

Paul Fishman: Yeah, because Canadians crossed the border all the time.

Maya Wiley: I completely agree with Barb, but I think his tactics also predate the actual November election. I think he has been very clear about trying to undermine efforts to ensure people's ability to vote safely in the selection. He said it publicly when he said mail-in voting in general is subject to vote fraud. Anytime he says voter fraud, that's sort of like his way of saying “squirrel!’ Meaning distract from the very things you should be paying attention to, look at that squirrel over there. We know you're more likely to die because you come into a collision with a deer than you are to see an individual case of actual voter fraud. So I'd rather say deer, you're more likely to get hurt by a deer. 

But you know the thing here is, the Republican party, unfortunately, and I say this because both parties can engage in fraudulent behavior when it comes to votes, that that in and of itself is not one party or the other. But there's no question that we have, particularly since 2010 heard Republicans actually speak the words that say, if we can keep certain communities, particularly communities of color, that are just go-to democratic voters, if we can make it harder for for them to vote, we are more likely to win. And you can look at that from the North Carolina voter ID. You can look at that. The Texas voter ID. Even Justin Clark, who works as a Trump election adviser said in Wisconsin just last year, that the Republicans traditionally rely on voter suppression. So, I also think we have to pay attention to the way in which the Trump administration is trying to make it more difficult to have mechanisms that ensure more voter participation because they're worried about how people will vote and rather than when our votes, they choose to suppress them. [

Harry Litman: I mean, I do think that candid political operatives will tell you just that the more the franchise expands, the worst it is for Republicans. So at least that seems to be one good reason why they've embraced these basic myths. Just in the last couple of weeks, we've had it debunked in Florida, after 17 month investigation. Also in Pennsylvania. Now it looks as if the Democrats are going to try to really engage on this. I mean, this might be a silver lining, if we're looking for them, of the virus.

It sure gets harder to defend barriers to by mail voting when you're talking about forcing people into hazardous health situations. So, that these battles will be fought out sort of state by state, but you have to think the Democrats have an unusual opportunity to win a lot of the skirmishes.

Maya Wiley: One thing I should have said, because it's true, you know, Trump attacked Whitmer, he attacked Michigan as a democratically run state. But Georgia, Iowa, West Virginia, I mean, States that are run by Republicans have also been embracing mail-in and voting. He's not attacking those States.

Paul Fishman: You know, I'm all in favor of mail-in voting. I think it makes it so much easier and it increases turnout and the more we can encourage people to participate in our democracy, the better off we all are. But I will say this, having grown up as a little kid who went to the voting booth with his parents, and having taken my own kids when they were little and having vivid recollection in 2008 of the enormously long time, I had to wait on line to vote for Barack Obama and flicking around and seeing dozens of people I knew on line and being part of this incredibly cool, communal act of citizenship. I will miss that. Right? I will miss the idea. Of going to the polls, pulling the curtain close, casting my vote and not seeing my friends when I do it and taking my kids. And I get that it's not as efficient and it suppresses turnout, but there is something I'm gonna miss about that.

Barbara McQuade: .Yeah, I agree with you, Paul. I think there is something really special about going to the polls. There is a sense of community about it and getting your sticker earlier, ‘I voted’ sticker and all that, but I think in this era of, at the very least, it's, it's essential, right? I mean, otherwise you're going to have to keep people six feet apart. Pole workers are frequently retirees who may not want to show up and expose themselves, and so you can reduce the number of people. I think you still need some people going to the polls, disabled voters and others will need to go to the polls, but if you can keep that number as low as you can, at least this time around, I think everybody benefits.

Maya Wiley: Yeah. And well, also the expansion of early voting. I think your point is extremely important, Paul, and Barb,importantly raise that their populations that really do still need physical voting, but that includes populations that are often whose votes are suppressed in other ways, but early voting and in low income communities in general, it expands the participation of voters. And we could do a lot more early voting and get a lot more physical participation safely. So, the civil rights community I know has been calling for polling sites and early voting so that there can be social distancing and a physical experience of voting for those who need it.

Harry Litman: But to, you know, to double back perhaps where we started. So, I have that same, misty-eyed feeling about the last time we voted and my son looking down and explaining it to them. But, every year, we then see at about 10 o'clock these ridiculous lines, always in minority communities, of people who are heroic sticking it out three, four, five, six hours to vote, and they're just having a totally different experience. I always ask myself, would I stick it out that along? So that's the other potential big advantage.

Paul Fishman: That’s a great point

Harry Litman: Well thank you, because it’s our last point. It's time for our final segment though, we have a few minutes. Five words or fewer, where we take a question from a listener and each of the feds has to answer in five words or fewer. Our question today comes from William Wanamaker. I hope I pronounced that right. Who asks, is Judge Sullivan supposed — has he been ordered to personally write a brief to the court of appeals?

Barbara McQuade: Pray for good law clerks.

Maya Wiley: No, because his law clerks,

Paul Fishman: He can ask a friend.

Harry Litman: Who the heck knows?

Thank you very much to Paul, Barb and Maya, and thank you very much listeners for tuning in to Talking Feds. If you like what you've heard, please tell a friend to subscribe to us on Apple podcasts or wherever they get their podcasts. And please take a moment to rate and review this podcast. You can follow us on Twitter @talkingfedspod to find out about future episodes and other Feds related content.

And you can also check us out on the web: talkingfeds.com where we have full episode transcripts. Or on Patreon where we post discussions about special topics exclusively for supporters to thank them for helping us to fray the costs for the podcast. Submit your questions to questions@talkingfeds.com whether it's for five words or fewer or general questions about the inner workings of the legal system for our sidebar segments.Thanks for tuning in and don't worry, as long as you need answers, the Feds will keep talking. 

Talking feds is produced by Jennifer Bassett and Rebecca Lowe Patton, our editor is Justin Wright.  David Lieberman and Rosie Don Griffin are our contributing writers production assistance by Sam Trachtenberg and Ayo Osobamiro. Consulting producer, Andrea, Carla Michaels. Thanks very much to John Cho for explaining the concept of unmasking, our gratitude as always to the amazing Phillip Glass who graciously lets us use his music. Talking feds is a production of Dalito LLC. I'm Harry Littman. See you next time. 

(Whistle) Blowing In the Wind

Harry Litman:  Welcome to Talking Feds, a round table that brings together prominent former federal officials and special guests for a dynamic discussion of the most important legal topics of the day. I'm Harry Littmann. We've had a week with dramatic action on multiple fronts to hearings in Congress. Brought home the divide between what the president and administration have been telling the American people in daily briefings and what the country's best scientists and doctors believe. 

Predictably, the President and congressional Republicans largely blamed the messengers and questioned the motives and bonafides of both experts. We had continued terrible economic news, 3 million new claims for unemployment last week alone, and began for the first time to hear dire predictions from some experts that the economy is in such a structural free fall that it may never fully recover. On the political front, Trump continued to treat the Michael Flynn case as a cost of lab of deep state corruption. But that portrait seemed to put the federal judge, in Flynn's case out of joint, and the showdown looks likely when the judge looks at the Department of Justice’s motion to dismiss charges and the President coined a new line of attack, which so far seems to be more of a bear slogan Obamagate, but suggested somehow Flynn's having been unmasked inappropriately at the end of the Obama presidency. Finally, at the end of the week, North Carolina Senator Richard Burr found himself  ensnared in a federal investigation for trading on confidential information about the virus. That threatened to quickly end his political career.

He's resigned the chair of the intelligence committee, but in leaving, he has declassified the Senate intelligence report substantiating Russia's interference in the 2016 election. To discuss as many of these major developments as a fast moving a Talking Fed's episode world will allow. We have a Cracker Jack panel of prominent experts and commentators.

First. Asha Ranapa,  who I'm happy that to say we can almost call a regular on Talking Feds. Asha is a senior lecturer at the Yale University, Jackson Institute for Global Affairs and a CNN contributor. She was an FBI agent in New York City, specializing in counterintelligence investigations. Thanks for being here, Asha.

Asha: Thanks Harry. Glad to be here

Harry: And to great newcomers to Talking Feds. First. Aaron Blake, one of the country's foremost political reporters. He's covered politics for 20 years currently as a senior political reporter who writes for the Fix at the Washington Post where he and I were colleagues, and it's one of the downsides for me of no longer being at the Post. Aaron, thanks for coming.

Aaron: I have to say your column is very much missed, but it's good to be here..

Harry: Thank you. And finally, David Gura, a correspondent for NBC News and an anchor himself on MSNBC. Now visiting the other side of the table., Before that Bloomberg TV. And he previously hosted Up with David Guerra, and now he hosts MSNBC Live.David, welcome.

David Gura: It's a pleasure. Thank you, Harry.

Harry: All right. Enough pleasantries. Let's dive in, beginning with maybe with the testimony from Dr. Fauci  and Dr. Bright, let's focus on Fauci first. What do you take to be the sort of biggest takeaway of his testimony. 

Aaron: I think what, what really stood out to me was maybe not so much what he said in the testimony, but what he set it up to be, which is he basically sent an email to a New York Times reporter in which he said that his chief goal in his testimony was to raise some red flags about reopening the country too fast, about skipping over the guidelines for those reopenings. And then when he actually testified one point that he returned to on a few occasions was this idea that if we reopen too quickly, this could actually set us back when it comes to reopening the economy because we might see further outbreaks propping up because of this. Left  unsaid there is, is the audience for this, which of course is Congress technically, but I would argue is probably more the {resident who has previewed this being kind of the next stage in the reopening of the economy. Has kind of  shoved aside those guidelines to some degree and argued that states can make their own decisions. So, it's been a tense relationship between the two of them. And I think that he was very diplomatically trying to send a signal that states should be, should be very cautious about what they're doing right now.

David: Now, we see this public side of Anthony Fauci him at the podium with the President. We see him giving these interviews as well, and one wonders what these conversations are like between him and the President of the United States. And I go back to this great piece that Michael Specter wrote for the New Yorker just a few weeks ago.

Michael Specter, who has covered public health for a long time, and in the course of writing this piece says he's known Anthony faculty for a very long time, and there's this really revealing anecdote, that fact she shares through the course of that, it's sort of how he has over his long career, worked with different Presidents.

And that is, he doesn't play the politics. And you know, to Aaron's point, what I find so fascinating about his testimony is that they're on that public platform. He was opposed to what the President was saying and strikes me the sort of most defining moment of that was when he was talking about children and this disease.

And this, of course, is this huge issue we can talk about in the context of the economy in a little while. But, uh, you have the President who was so adamant that things get back to normal so quickly, and a huge component of that is schools is being open so people can go back to work. And there was caution from Anthony Fauci on two points:

One, let's not do this too quickly. As Aaron was saying, you know, there, there could be a second wave to this. There's a lot we don't know. And then there's just the spectre of  what this means for children yet. And where I sit here in New York, there is so much fear and concern about this sort of side syndrome that could be related to Covid-19. And I was just struck there again,by his willingness to do this. He said in interviews before, he didn't testimony on Capitol Hill this week as well.

Harry: Yeah. Well, what about that? I mean, look, we he does have this uneasy relationship, but he certainly portrayed as a basic good soldier, but New York Times? Red flags?

I mean, that's the stuff of going around the President and sounding an alarm bell because the President won't take his sort of private cautions. Is he going rogue?

Aaron: I, I think that there is some sense that that's happening. Certainly the president seems to believe that if you look at the way he talked about Fauci this week, there have been myriad examples of Fauci saying something that contradicted the President. Of the president saying things like, we don't need a vaccine that are different than what Anthony Fauci has said.

But the two men have tried to make the best of it. They've downplayed any tensions between the two of them. But then shortly after Fauci's testimony this week, we saw the President come out and say, “Look, Anthony Fauci was against me doing the China travel restrictions. Anthony Fauci, I didn't agree with what he said about schools reopening.”

Those seem to be the most direct, I think, instances of the President saying that what Fauci is advising is not right and is not what he intends to do. And I think that it's probably no coincidence that those comments came shortly after Fauci’s testimony on Tuesday.

David: There is this certain breed of the conservative chattering class who is now kind of coming out against Anthony Fauc.

And so talk about a second, a second wave. There's the potential second wave with the virus. There's the second wave of this criticism, as well. We remember the hashtag Fire Fauci from a few weeks ago, and now you've got basically every member of Fox News' prime time lineup casting doubt on Anthony Fauci’s motives. As this career civil servant, somebody who's been in government for decades, what he's up to, and now you've got Tom Fitton coming out crying foul. Saying he's going to file yet another lawsuit trying to expose, I guess the emails that might've been between Anthony Fauci and the head of the WHO and Steve Bannon, who's now podcasting, making similar comments, just questioning the motives of Anthony Fauci. So,  I will continue to watch [ his perseverance, the degree to which he can deal with all of this. But it does seem like there has been an uptick in terms of the criticism or the heat that he's been feeling here in recent weeks.

Harry: Yeah. I would say more than an uptick. I, you know, it's remarkable. You see it a guy ;ike that, make these kinds of proclamations on Tuesday.  You think, you know, it's one of a dozen times where we've seen the truth told to power. Yet power seems to triumph at least among a big sector. It's not just the chattering class or Fox News. After his testimony, in a CNN poll 84% of Republicans say they trusted the information they received from President Trump. so it didn't seem to erode that, and just 61% said the same about Fauci. Now there's already a sort of tension there, but it's,, as if even the most credible spokesperson can't break through the din of a Trump slogan that goes in the other direction.

Asha: What I find fascinating about power triumphs in this case is that they can't control the reality. And so I'm wondering what is, what is their end game. Because if they reopen, as you mentioned before, Fauci said that it could set back the economy even more if there's more outbreaks, I mean, are they not accounting for that possibility? They can't control that. This isn't like the other narratives where it is simply about what people believe or don't believe. Because there is actually objective things that happen in the world. Like people get sick or, or kids develop the syndrome that they're not going to be able to deny. Or is that going to become another, they're lying about that or something.

I mean, I'm just, I found that this thing to be the most fascinating part of how this has been handled by this administration from the get go. Like, why did they think they can use a verbal narrative to shape this when it is completely beyond their power to actually control what happens objectively.

Aaron: I think Asha is exactly right.

And I think when this began, the earliest indication of that was the President in his early comments, which were in many cases downplaying of course, this for the better part of two months. He seemed in many ways to be much more concerned about the momentary impact on the stock market. He saw those gains that had taken place over the course of his presidency going away, and he reacted accordingly.

I wrote around the time that the danger in this was never in a momentary decline in the stock market for the President. The danger in this was in a botched response. Things, uh, you know, something that leads to loss of life. And if you look at the continued polls of this, people don't hold the president responsible for the economy at this point.

They're chalking  it up to the virus. His approval on the economy is where it has always been, and it's his strongest issue at this point. So there seems to be a calculation here where the President thinks that an economy being bad in his reelection year is automatically going to hurt him in his reelection.

Or he's much more concerned about that when in fact, I think there's a growing volume of evidence to suggest that simply a competent government response that includes an economic downturn as a necessary consequence would be something that people would understand and wouldn't necessarily reflect poorly on the President. But that's never really been his apparent calculus on all of this.

David Gura: You know, what’s so fascinating and maddening about the way that he is approached this is the way that he sets deadlines by which things are going to be accomplished and they aren't. So we had that with testing, for example, we had it with ventilators and now  it's vaccines.

And you kind of see vaccines as the bridge between the testimony that we heard from Anthony Fauci and Rick Bright later in the week. And there is this incredible magical thinking that was approx there on the part of this President. You know, expert after expert after expert has said There is very little likelihood that there's going to be a vaccine developed in 18 months, nevermind by the end of this year.

And the President continues to come out as he did in Pennsylvania this week, as he's done numerous times at the White House to say he has a feel--he has a sense that vaccine development progression is going to such a level that is going to be ready by the end of this year. And. I just feel so stymied and surprised that he keeps doing this to really no effect.

I mean, there is going to be a point at which the calendar clicks over to January the first, and I'm not a huge betting man, but I will bet that a vaccine won't be available or widely available by the end of this year, and yet I wonder sort of what the result of that will be for him or for the next President, whoever that may be.f…

Harry:  It’s true. It’s kind of maddening to pick up on Asha’s point. It's one of many times where, ‘Hey, okay, the lines are drawn. He either has or he hasn't. And there'll be a day of reckoning.’ And I don't know whether he thinks in these terms, it's just his playbook or he's just always in the moment, but presumably, if Fauci proves correct Trump will stand up there and say, “I never said that, and it's not my fault anyway.” And at least the majority of his base won't somehow question it. There won't be a cost to having been as, Asha said, in the sort of objective yes or no death or life situation, having been dead wrong.

Aaron: So. I think the best example of the kind of short term nature of the President's reaction here. And of course, the vaccine stuff is something that might ultimately look like a pretty poor prediction, but, that will come after the election at least, and he'll either be reelected or he won't. It was less than a month ago that the president was talking about how we were headed towards 50 or 60,000 deaths. We are now at more than we are now at 85,000. Even when he said that, it was pretty evident that that was not going to be where we were going to ultimately be, whether it was going to be at the a hundred thousand or 200,000 marker, we didn't know. But  it was maybe the best example of the President apparently trying to handle this on a day by day basis. Try to kind of make this seem like it's going well. Even if what happens in the future might completely undermine the things that he's saying today.

Harry: All right, let's switch just a little bit. We've already prefigured it with the talk of the vaccine, but Bright is a somewhat different figure. He's a whistleblower who comes forward. He gets the whistleblower treatment that Trump has patented, basically shoved to the side for not following the political orders. And now he shows up, you know, and in this somewhat dramatic fashion, here's a guy we hadn't seen and he comes to tell his tale.How do you think he presented?

Aaron: Well as, as somebody who watched the hearing for the most part, um, the person I kept coming back to as I watched him was another figure who has been a key figure in during this administration, which is Peter Struck. I think regardless of what the two men were saying, I'm not sure they were terribly sympathetic witnesses. Their presentation was a little bit stilted. Bright was very kind of soft spoken and, and cautious, which I guess you can understand from a witness. It was more, I think, in the content of what he was saying that his testimony mattered. And basically what that was, was there have been a lot of newspaper reports about the behind the scenes machinations early in the outbreak.

About people in the administration, even the White House who were raising red flags and saying, this needs to be addressed. But we haven't seen really many people come forward and do it on the record and attach their name to this. It's been kind of background sourcing. You know, Matthew Pottenger and the White House said this, and Robert Cadillac said this was maybe the first and most prominent example of somebody putting their name behind this and saying, “Look, I told HHS--where I was an employee--that we needed masks, that this was going to be a very serious situation. And they didn't respond.” And, and he said on numerous occasions that he believes that lives were lost and that to this day, the response is hurting because of that. Because of the lack of PPE. And so I think it moved the ball forward, even as it may only confirm the broader picture of what we've seen in a lot of reporting on this.

Harry: I mean, he did seem a little stiff, on the other hand his content seemed quite credible to me, just in terms of the kinds of interference with good  medical practices and the demands for cronyism and certain contracting by the administration. So in that sense, he seemed pretty solid. And you know, I'm a whistleblower lawyer that sometimes when your client takes a stand, it can be a little tricky.

But even though the knives were already out for him clearly and they wanted to try to bring him down and they continue to try it. You know, I thought he came through. Okay. Just a quick question on the vaccine. What kind of struggle could we be having? Is it not a hundred percent clear that everybody's doing everything that can be done. When Trump says December and Faucisays, get real: maybe December 2021 or whatever.

You know, it doesn't seem a matter of policy choices. It just seems a matter of when we're going to get kind of lucky and as I understand it, we need just not just one, but a kind of a multiplicity of vaccines. But surely there's no doubt that everyone's doing everything that can be done. No?

David Gura: This is David. Yeah, I think that's true. And there is a global effort and we can debate the degree to which different countries and institutions are working with each other toward the advancement of this goal. But I think the real big question remains how, once the vaccine is developed if we get there and what we all hope that we do get there, uh, it's going to be produced at scale. I think that the record of the amount of time it has taken for a vaccine to go from, from its inception to development is, is four years. So we're working with a pretty accelerated timetable here. Just the way that she's talking about it, the bit that Trump is talking about it, certainly. But yeah, it raises a whole host of questions. I think once we get there, how it's distributed and to whom it's distributed, who's going to make this thing so depressed and coming out of the White House today. And he's picked this former pharma executive to oversee this program now going forward, You know, that's kind of the story of this crisis as well. I mean, it's gone on now for, for many weeks, many months. There are these moments we're like, “Oh great, there is now a point person for this!” But one can't help but be surprised how long it's taken for, for that to happen. So I guess we can breathe somewhat of a sigh of relief now of somebody who's overseeing this particular enterprise--this part of the enterprise. But what I'm wondering is, how much farther along would be if that were the case four or five weeks ago?

Harry: Right. And of course, if it's a problem that all the point people, you know, where the DT, on their uniforms. Maybe we'll get to this when we talk about the economy, but you were on Nicole Wallace the other day, David, talking in the economic terms about the whole sort of Tale of Two Cities and inequality.

I've come to understand from Juliette Kim and others. Even getting the vaccine, we then move into the huge logistical problem of distribution and the worry that that will be done politically, and that the rich will get richer as it were, and that's a whole host of headaches.

All right, let's leave that to the side for now and turn to this new broadside or what? I'm, I'm stammering cause it's hard to know even what to call it, but a new slogan that, that, that Trump has, uh, concocted: Obamagate, which seems not even a concept, but kind of a Pavlovian word, just designed to bypass the higher brain and go straight to the limbic system. Obamagate, that no one seems to know what he's talking about though. Maybe that doesn't matter if it's just to whip up the base. There is one concrete charge here, which we've been hearing fly in, which, um, depends on a concept that I think is novel for many of us.And that is this idea of unmasking. So let's just start there. You know, this idea of unmasking, you know, what are they suggesting it is and what is it really?

Asha: Yeah. So the entire process of unmasking really precludes the possibility of actually targeting any individual. So when intelligence is disseminated within the intelligence community and to government officials outside of the agency where that intelligence was collected they will mask the identities of any persons or companies that are not the target of the electronic surveillance. So in the case of the NSA, which monitorsforeign intelligence targets foreign terrorists, when they intercept those calls or communications, and there is a US person on the other end, if they disseminate an intelligence report about that, they will mask that identity and it will show up as something like, US person one or American citizen one.

Harry:  So there’s a transcript of the phone call US person One, colon.

Asha: Yeah, it is probably not even a transcript. It’s an intelligence product. Like they'll, you know, summarize the call. It'll be a summary or maybe there are, there will be some additional analysis put in there if that agency knows of it.

But it basically, it's, you know, here's something of interest. Um, and this is something that we expect these agencies to do because since 9/11, the whole idea is to connect the dots, right? And so you want to share intelligence so that people have all of the bits of information that they might need to do their job or investigations or whatever it might be.

When the consumer of that intelligence report views that communication, if they need to know the identity of the person in the communication that is masked in order to understand the significance of that communication, they can request the original collecting agency to unmask the identity of the non target in that communication.

And that apparently happened several times. And when that identity was unmasked, it turned out to be Flynn.

Harry: Gosh, are you stating like legal regime or, or basic practice where, where do all these rules even come from?

Asha: They're internal, and I think in this case, this would be-- the request was going to the NSA. That request goes to whomever looks at the reason that this person, this consumer is asking for the information. I mean, it can't just be, ‘Hey, I'm just curious who this person is.’ There has to be a legitimate purpose that is related to their job. Or, they have to explain why it's important to know,the identity.

And then if they approve it, they will provide that information for that communication only. It doesn't mean that then they go through and give that requester any and all communications relating to that individual. 

Harry: So hypothetically there's a report that American person, one is speaking with the Russian ambassador, talking about what the ambassador should or shouldn't do about sanctions. And then somebody says, “Hmm, you know what? I think it might be important to know who this person is.”

Asha: Something like that. But I think it's important to not use that specific example, Harry, because I think that is exactly what the Trump administration wants us to do. Is to look at these requests for unmasking to the NSA and somehow believe that it was connected to the FBI investigation into Flynn's call with Kislyak. His call with Kislyak was intercepted by the FBI. That is a kind of a straightforward CGI counter-intelligence intercept. Um, Ben Widowswrote a thread about this. Ryan Goodman also wrote a piece for Just Security explaining why this was internal to the FBI. (~23)

So, it actually has nothing to do with the Kislyak call. In fact, my initial reaction when I saw the list of requests, which by the way, the dates predate the Kislyak call on that list most of them anyway is: Oh my God, there were so many people in the government who were viewing some number of intelligence reports where they didn't know who the person was, but apparently were so freaked out about what this report said, that they all independently requested an unmasking.

Harry: So the unmasking here was in the context of some other activity, like his lobbying of Turkey but it wasn't, it wasn't the FBI and part of the investigation that landed him in the soup.

Asha: That's right. Not the Russia Kislyak call.

David Gura: Asha, I just wanted to ask you about, you know, when you look at that list and you see the person's on there, Nathan Sheets, former Undersecretary of Treasury for International Affairs. One assumes he's on there, maybe because it has something to do with sanctions.

Jack Lou, the Treasury Secretary. You, got the whole list there,  but I think my broader question is: What is the danger of releasing this without context? And you've, you've added some here, but Rick Grenelle, the acting DNI pushes for the release of this thing. It comes out, people are gonna see this, and there's a lot of sort of creative connecting of the dots that can happen as a result of that. We've seen that. But it lays bare the dangerous of, of having something like this without context if you could speak to that.

Asha: Sure. I mean, the analogy I made in another discussion was, this is like being on Wheel of Fortune and revealing two vowels, but not telling you how long the word or phrase is, or any of the other letters.

I mean, it's like you don't have critical pieces of information to actually come to any kind of meaningful conclusion. What we do know is that these were all legitimate requests, the NSA memo says that.  But I think if you really want to, you know, make your case that these were fishing expeditions, if you will, then they need to show what the underlying intelligence was.

On which they were asking for this information. What was it? I mean, was he just, you know, like calling his favorite restaurant in Turkey and asking them about the menu? I mean, if that's it, then let's see it. But it seems like whatever was in this report or reports, um, were alarming.

Alternatively, you could also release the actual justifications for the requests and find out why were these people asking to see this? I mean, they had, like I said, they had to give a reason. That could also tell you, um, what was concerning to them. But I think that releasing only the names of the people who made the requests doesn't tell you much of anything.

And in fact, it can actually compromise ongoing intelligence collection because the NSA is monitoring targets all the time. If they're still on any of the channels where the people who were speaking with Flynn on or around these dates, they can view it and say, ‘Oh, I guess that one is burned and let's, you know, uh, let's get, give it up.’ And that can dry up our intelligence collection as well. 

David: How much do you worry about this becoming the thing that Rick Grinnell or others, are going to do? So he, like many folks in this administration are working three jobs at once. It seems like he's still ambassador to Germany. He's a special Envoy and now he's acting DNI.

But how much do you worry that this portends more releases like this? I think, I'm not saying, I think radical here when I think that he’s really fanning these flames. He's providing a lot of fire for this #Obamagate thing that we've seen erupt here over the last week.

Asha: Yeah., I think there's going to be more of this. You know, the Ryan Goodman piece that was in Just  Security today, I think makes an important point. Which is I think there's going to be an attempt to connect this list with the Flynn investigation, which, as I said, I think already does not seem related at all. But I think what they wanted was a list that included Joe Biden and this NSA list provides that. And I think you might see some kind of investigation into the leak of the contents of the Kislyak phone call. Now, even if that originated in the FBI leaking that information would be a crime. But I think there's kind of going to be a bait and switch, you know, like they did with collusion and conspiracy.

I mean, that's where I see this going. And this is just kind of a precursor to prime people for imagining that the people on this list are somehow connected to anything that comes later, even if it's not in fact connected.

Harry: You asked what it tells you. Look, I think one thing it tells you is, is that the director of national intelligence, who by law is supposed to be experienced and learn, you know, know know his stuff stuff here. And Grinnell isn't, you know, totally in the tank for Trump.

So his conduct will be influenced by that. The biggest point to me that I think was a revelation. This made it seem so sinister, but this is a very common undertaking. And in fact, one that the Trump administration has really proliferated. So in 2018 there were 17,000, quote unquote unmaskings.

I mean we almost need another word cause cause it's got this sort of sinister turn that makes it look like some, some poor, innocent is suddenly being revealed to the world. So much happening with Flynn. The other big part of the drama that's ongoing is at the level of continued fallout from the dismissal of charges.

And we now know that there's going to be some kind of showdown Yay, there's finally a federal judge who will look at this and have the advantage of an actual presentation of the view that the Department of Justice, the law enforcement agency won't make here. And that's going to be pretty dramatic, I think, when no lessa personage than John Gleason, former judge, but also, you know, Gotti, prosecutor and just overall an awesome advocate, comes to the fore.

I think probably just cause there's so much to talk about. We should leave that and what Sullivan will do for a future Talking Feds, so we can get to a couple other topics. Before we do, it's time to take a moment for our sidebar feature, which explains some of the terms and relationships that are foundational to events that are typically in the news, but they're never really explained.

And today we have one of the best known podcasts hosts out there, Tom Merritt who hosts, as many of you know, the Daily Tech news Show among others, and who previously hosted Buzz Out Loud. Tom's going to explain about a concept that's become newly relevant with the focus on Flynn and the beginning of the administration and even the replay of Carter Page. And that is wiretap warrants ,FISA warrants and the differences between them. 

[TOM MERRIT SIDEBAR]

Thanks very much to Tom Merritt. You can catch him daily on the Tech News Show. All right. A couple sort of broad trends that I'dlike to get to, which are, we don't always have time to cover here, but we have the benefit particularly of David's expertise in economic issues. So I want to start with this idea that you just mentioned with Nicole Wallace, but seems so important to me.

Which is: economic suffering abounds and is everywhere, but we're increasingly aware that it's very disproportionately visited on vulnerable communities. People have to be out front, communities of color and the like. What's your sense to the extent you're able to kind of quantify that and the possible policy responses that you would hope somebody in Washington is thinking about? 

[35:00]

David Gura: Yeah, the Fed chair, Jay Powell, has been speaking a lot lately, uh, about the actions that the Fed has taken. He's kind of been indirectly offering,advice, or directives to the Congress for them to do more, more fiscal policy. But during a Q&A this is where he talked about who's born the brunt of this so far. And there was a Fed survey that came out showing that most of the people were borne the brunt of this are people who make less than $40,000 a year. You know, I, I've been thinking a lot just about numbers in the context of this public health crisis and economic crisis as well. And we were talking a bit about the President’s willingness to sort of futz with that as all of this goes along.

We see what with the reaction so much as he has a genuine reaction to the amount of deaths and the cases that we've seen in this country as well. And that's a real moving target for him. Someone will bring up the fact that 80,000 plus people have died here in the US and his inclination, his reaction to that is to say well, the models particular, it could've been much worse than that.

So there's kind of an absence of humanity there. And I think that the same is true with the economic figures we've seen as well. So we've been paying particularly close attention to these weekly jobless claims. Seven, eight weeks ago, we had record numbers for the first time that were magnitudes higher than what we saw during the financial crisis of 2008 and 2009 and that's begun to diminish a little bit, but still this week, 2.9 million first time claims were filed. And 36 million people have applied for unemployment benefits for the first time in the last two months, which is just extraordinary. And that gets to my point Harry, which is it's hard when you see numbers that big not to humanize them. You're just left so stupefied looking at numbers like that, you don't think of the individuals here I think kind of plays into what I'm describing. The President, being able to sort of obfuscate or, or make us not see the human side of the reality of that and certainly plays into the inequality you're talking about.

But we were just in a really deep trough there. There are some indications that perhaps we've seen the low, the nadir of how many jobless benefit claims we're going to have, but still, for all the President’s fantasy talk about a V shaped recession and this happening really quickly. Economist after economist I talked to just says how uncertain  these times are, how impressive these times are and how long it's going to take for us to see any kind of rebound from this.

And a paradox in all of that is: the longer somebody is out of work, the harder it is for him or her to get a job and get back into the workforce. And you look at the policy decisions that the fed has made and what's been done on Capitol Hill. A lot of that has been tailored to keeping those tendons alive, but between a worker who's been laid off or [00:43:00] furloughed and his employer, past employer. But the longer this drags on, I think that the more difficult it's going to be to, to sort of regain any foothold that we've lost over the last month or two.

Harry: You know, and it's not only the, the frontline workers, they seem most poignant, they don't have a choice. But small businesses or are going out of business in droves. The “V” is--hoping we're at the bottom of it--is the rosy scenario. But I'm hearing a lot about a “W” which seems, you know, certain some more reversals that you know, thereafter or, or even, God forbid an L. But what about this notion,that things could be such, so much in the trough, as David says, that it's a permanent game changer for the US economy in a way that the Great Depression even wasn't. You know, we're in a competitive world, and by the time we even get back to the starting gate, you know, we're gonna have been left in the dust by China and others, and this is almost an epitaph for the 200 year booming economy. Is that, is that seem overly grave and pessimistic?

Aaron: The best way that I've seen this described is that, and you mentioned the Great Depression, obviously, comparisons have been made to the Great Recession a decade ago. It’s tempting to compare the numbers because we are now at the highest unemployment rates since the Great Depression. We're seeing numbers that are in line with what we saw during the recession a decade ago as far as the GDP decline goes. But what those were were different than what we see today in that they were demand shocks.

What we're seeing today is much more of a supply shock. It's a different situation in which it’s not The Market itself that caused this problem, it was an external factor. And the thing is that we have so little experience with recovering from something like that because it just hasn't come along very often. I think the best comparison to what we're going through right now, would be something like the oil shock  in the 1970s and early 1980s where, it was something external that was impacting the economy and causing this great hardship that needed to be addressed. And then the economy recovered from that in other ways. Rather than something where you can kind of handle this with, uh, a top down macro economic policy. And so I think that because of that, we have just such a great degree of uncertainty. And when it comes to projections of what the recovery might look like, they're all over the place.

They're far different when it comes to long term GDP impact. And I don't think there's a whole lot of agreement about exactly what that's going to look like, which I think, if you look at, if you compare it to the Recession, the Depression, you know, you're saying that was a decades long project.

In this case, we're dealing with something that hopefully is more of a temporary thing and maybe things can back bounce back quicker once we get past all of this. But we just don't know because we really haven't been through a situation that's even remotely similar to what we're doing right now.  (38:45_

Asha: I'm not an economist, but I mean, just in terms of looking at our lives right now, it's really hard to imagine that we would go back in any meaningful way what it was like before. And we're all experiencing this in different ways. I'm at Yale and you know, there is apparently an aspiration to start classes on time in the fall.

And, you know, I can't imagine, like, how does that work with students being in dorms and, you know, being in the same classrooms and teaching seminars and things like that. And I think this kind of gets at what David just said in a different way, which is, this seems like we are going to fundamentally alter our way of living to some degree. And even if there's a vaccine down the line, and we don't even have, we can't even get into the politicization of the vaccine and the fact that there's some huge percentage of people who are going to refuse to take it or whatever.

I think there's always a fear that this is a biological phenomenon. There is no way to prevent it from actually surfacing again as well. So there's almost a need to structurally change how we approach all of the things that we do in this economy, to be prepared for the unexpected shock the next time if it comes again. It's not something you can, like, create regulations for, for example after the housing bust. You can't regulate your way out of this. This is kind of at the mercy of nature. (40:00)

David Gura: It's totally true. This is David, and I think as you talk to labor economists there, they like all of us are trying to become experts on public health and epidemiology. I mean, they're studying this because it is a medical, a scientific phenomenon, and they're having to figure this out and try to gain things out as a result of that, and that's left them kind of blindsided. I think one last thing I'll say here Harry is I'm struck by how quickly and readily the administration is saying that any sort of bill that provides more fiscal stimulus at this point is dead on arrival. It highlights yet another disconnect between experts, academic economists, labor economists who say that the need is so acute and real, they can't imagine that that would be the case, that the White House would foreclose that entirely.

And I mentioned the indirect advice that the Fed chair has been giving. I listened to a lot of these speeches that he gives, and in each one, he's pretty candid about the fact that he thinks that the Congress is going to have to do more. And here we are in this kind of strange circumstance where some states are opening up and we don't know how that's going to play out. Getting back o the earlier conversation about the epidemiological side of things, I’ve heard from these experts on Capitol Hill is, this is likely about to be a real problem. That you open the doors to businesses without a vaccine, any therapeutic or this being really mitigated and we can go from a really bad situation for a public health perspective and an economic perspective as well.

Harry: Right. You know, I always think that the second wave in 1918 was worse than the first, and there'll be some kind of second wave. So what that will look like, especially when people will have taken a deep breath and think it's all over, is a pretty alarming to contemplate.

But it is, it is true,  it seems like there has to be more stimulus. On the other hand, that seems to be the only thing on the table for the kind of gargantuan help that the economy needs. And, you think about the story of the Depression, I guess there's some dispute about this, but, you know, the triumph of Keynesian economics and after several years, maybe it took the war effort, we get back on our feet. This was a striking datum that I just read.

We've already, even in 2020 dollars, had as much stimulus poured into the economy in the last three months as there was in all of the Great Depression. On the other hand, you know, nobody seems to have a sense of what to do, but keep on keeping on with the same idea.

David Gura: I think a lot of policymakers who have been advocating for stimulus would hold that up as an exemplar of things done right. I think that the Fed chair would say, “Look, we learned our lessons from 2008, 2009. The economy was righted, we implemented new policies. That took months. The Great Depression took even longer than that, and now they are moving really quickly. I do think that from an economic vantage the response to this has been pretty fast. In a way that  I think that the public health committee is probably envious of how quickly we've seen movement on the monetary and fiscal side.

Harry: I was thinking of that too, but for 2008 remember the incredible resistance. We're going to do what? We're going to spend how much? But now, you know the idea, well, here's what we gotta do. Just like start throwing out money. Everyone understood, at least for the first few trillion dollars say, it was a forced move.

Aaron: Just, just to the point you were making about how there was considerably less resistance to a massive economic stimulus package. As far as an argument for having Donald Trump as president, the fact that that got done so quickly, I don't think we should diminish in any way the role of having a Republican president in office during that and being able to bring Republicans in line. When in other situations, as we've seen, there was obviously a very much different emphasis when it came to the impact on the debt. And I do think though, that as we move forward, given the amount of money that Jay Powell was talking about here, we may start to see resistance crop up in a way that we didn't with these last two packages because of how quickly the debt is ballooning. In the event that this were to be a debate that we're having next year, if in fact there is a Democratic administration.

Harry: Excellent point. All right. We have a few minutes left to at least touch on Richard Burr. I'll kind of lay out the, the, the basics here. They go to his house, serve a search warrant, and want his phone having already, I think, even subpoenaed Apple for iCloud information.

Almost surely talk to the broker, the brother-in-law, and you remember the basic facts here. He gets a gloomy picture, even though he's talking  in a sunny way. But he gets a gloomy picture, in the 12th as an official briefing and the 13th, you, he does 33 different transactions.

His brother-in-law the same of a substantial part of his portfolio. So it sure seems like a prima facie case of insider trading. It seems to me that he is looking very likely at criminal charges. And I've said before, he's so quickly stepped down from the chairmanship, and obviously McConnell wasn't giving him any support, wasn't throwing his body in front of him.

And I think he's in very deep trouble, and we'll probably be out of the Senatebefore the election. But just today on his way out, he declassified the intelligence report that we've been hearing about that is somewhat at cross purposes from what the president has been trying to propound. So, can someone just kind of give us that late breaking news and, and what's our thoughts about its significance?

Asha: I'll jump in here. I mean, I think that Senate intelligence committee report is probably the biggest thorn in Bill Barr’s side. Right? In terms of going and trying to discredit the Mueller investigation, which it does seem like he is trying to do systematically. Because that is going to be a counter narrative that is coming from a bipartisan body that is basically supporting the IC’s assessment from January of 2017. Just, you know, I do think that it's really sad for the Department of Justice, Harry, that, you know, when Burr had the search warrant sort of on his cell phone and, as you said, it looks like he's in big trouble.

There were a lot of cynical takes. I saw on Twitter that this is politically motivated against him because he was helping to put together that report. And there was a lot of questioning on why isn't Loffler being investigated. We don't know if she is, I think, I think she did have a visit from the FBI. But I think the sad part is, you know, people are asking these questions and I don't blame them. You know, we've had so many different parts of our government weaponized, and we've always been able to count on the Department of Justice to dispense justice impartially. And I think having Barr at the helm raises these kinds of questions and the fact that people are asking them and thinking that this is a way for Barr to help Trump bury the report. Which is, I think, what the suggestion was that by making him step down, then he wouldn't be able to release it. You know, this is, this is where we are now, and I think it's just really sad that, that this is what people think of when they think of the Justice Department.

Aaron: The other element of that was that Burr as Intelligence Committee chairman at one point was talking about having Donald Trump Jr. come up and testify to his committee, which really rubbed the Trump world the wrong way. And you can imagine, would have created some hard feelings there. Having said that, we have no idea if this is in fact a politicized effort. And I'll also say that to the extent that it is, if it is,it's probably a very suspect decision in that if Burr were to resign his seat before. September 4th, there would be a snap election, a special election in a state that the President won by less than four points in 2016. There would be a temporary appointee who would be a Republican, but they would be selected by the state party. And then the Democratic governor choosing from those people. The Senate is very much in play right now and the ramifications of throwing another seat into playI think would be a very suspect political goal here.

Harry: Yeah, I mean, even the political analysis, it doesn't seem to hold up, but I can't second loudly enough the point Asha made and the sense of sorrow or outrage from DOJ alu, that this is the kind of inference, automatic inference now that you have to beat back.

All of us who were there, Asha and I, are used to pairing these charges and being able to reassure people, no things are on the up and up. And now, it doesn't seem like things are on the up and up and important cases, and that bleeds over into everything. All right, so on that cheery note, it’s time for our final segment of five words or fewer, where we take a question from a listener and, each of the feds has to answer in five words or fewer. Our question today comes from listener Merrill Sherman, who asks Will Burr be in the Senate on labor day?

David Gura: This is David and I'm a native North Carolinian so I'll jump out first and say I'm taking a page out of what Aaron was saying, that this is going to be up to the governor of North Carolina. I'll say, no, they don't want Cooper's pick.

Asha: I'll take the other side based on  the political analysis as well and say:  He'll stick it to Trump. 

Harry:  Aaron?

Aaron: Mine is almost completely 50 50 between the two of those. It was: No, unless he wants revenge.

Harry: You guys are forgetting the whole law enforcement angle here: No, feds, force him out.

Thank you very much to Aaron, David and Asha, and thank you very much listeners for tuning in to Talking Feds. If you like what you've heard, please tell a friend to subscribe to us on Apple podcasts or wherever they get their podcasts, and please take a moment to rate and review this podcast.

You can follow us on Twitter at @TalkingFedsPod to find out about future episodes and other feds related content. And you can also check us out on the web, talkingfeds.com where we have full episode transcripts or on Patreon where we post discussions about special topics exclusively for supporters to thank them for paying $5 a month to help us to fray the cost for the podcast.

Submit your questions to questions@talkingfeds.com whether it's for five words or fewer or general questions about the inner workings of the legal system for our sidebar segments. Thanks for tuning in and don't worry as long as you need answers, the Feds will keep talking. Talking Feds is produced by Jennifer Bassett and Rebecca Lowe Patton. Our editor is Justin, Wright. David Lieberman and Rosie Don Griffin are contributing writers, production assistance by Sam Trachtenberg and Sarah Phillipwhom. Andrea Carla Michaels is our consulting producer. Thanks very much to Tom Merritt for explaining the tricky area of wiretap warrants and FISA warrants.

Our gratitude as always to the amazing Phillip Glass who graciously lets us use his music. Talking Feds is a production of delete LLC. I'm Harry Litman. See you next time.